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Writing the Proper Story: The Importance of Personal Experience and Inadequacy of
Fiction in Alice Munro’s Story “The Ottawa Valley”
Demir Alihodžić
University of Tuzla
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Abstract
The tendency among contemporary women writers to look inside themselves for material for
fiction is particularly evident in the work of Alice Munro. Munro’s practice of utilizing
personal experience in her stories is central to her work, and is therefore identified as an
essential element of her fictional aesthetic. In “The Ottawa Valley,” the parallels between
Munro’s experiences with her own terminally-ill mother and those of the narrator whose
mother has Parkinson’s Disease, are immediately recognizable. Other stories also contain bits
and pieces gathered from Munro’s memories; however, she is adamant that her stories should
not be seen as strictly autobiographical. Her refusal to allow her work to be described as
autobiographical serves as a protective shell into which the author may retreat, and as a
reminder that Munro’s stories operate on many levels of reality. In the postscript added to the
story, Munro, in the guise of the narrator, deals with the inadequacy of fiction. In several
stories the reader is left wondering whether certain events actually occurred or if they were
imagined by the teller. This ambiguity between fiction and reality is evident in stories where
Munro and/or the characters seem to be second-guessing themselves. For example, the
narrator in “The Ottawa Valley” wonders at the end if she has really told a “proper story.”
This paper examines the importance of personal experience and inadequacy of fiction in
writing by Alice Munro in general, and particularly in reference to her short story “The
Ottawa Valley.” The parallels between the narrator’s experiences in “The Ottawa Valley” and
Munro’s own experiences with her mother demonstrate that Munro frequently utilizes
material from her own life in her stories.
Key words: Alice Munro, Postcolonial literature, personal experience, fiction, short story
1. Introduction
The tendency among contemporary women writers to look inside themselves for material for
fiction is particularly evident in the work of Alice Munro. In an essay entitled “The Colonel’s
Hash Resettled,” Munro (1972) states that she writes stories that come from inside and outside
(p. 183). However, when she begins to analyze this comment, she determines that it is far
from being that simple. She says: “When I get something from outside…I have to see it in my
own terms, at once, or it isn’t going to be a story” (p. 183). However, Munro is quick to warn
others about viewing her stories as autobiography. She concedes that she does use “bits of
what is real” (Munro, 1982, p. 223), but this is done in order to strengthen the truth of the
experience that she is attempting to convey. Whether Munro is writing about a real or
imagined event, it is her personal experience which shapes the final product. It is impossible
for Munro to step outside her life as woman, writer, mother, wife, and daughter and write
about something which has little immediate meaning for her.
�Munro’s practice of utilizing personal experience in her stories is central to her work,
and is therefore identified as an essential element of her fictional aesthetic. In “The Ottawa
Valley,” the parallels between Munro’s experiences with her own terminally-ill mother and
those of the narrator whose mother has Parkinson’s Disease, are immediately recognizable.
Other stories also contain bits and pieces gathered from Munro’s memories; however, she is
adamant that her stories should not be seen as strictly autobiographical. Her refusal to allow
her work to be described as autobiographical serves as a protective shell into which the author
may retreat, and as a reminder that Munro’s stories operate on many levels of reality. In the
postscript added to the story, Munro, in the guise of the narrator, deals with the inadequacy of
fiction. In several stories the reader is left wondering whether certain events actually occurred
or if they were imagined by the teller. For example, the narrator in “The Ottawa Valley”
wonders at the end if she has really told a “proper story” (p. 246).
This paper examines the importance of personal experience and inadequacy of fiction
in writing by Alice Munro in general, and particularly in reference to her short story “The
Ottawa Valley.” The parallels between the narrator’s experiences in “The Ottawa Valley” and
Munro’s own experiences with her mother demonstrate that Munro frequently utilizes
material from her own life in her stories.
2. Turning inward: Features of Alice Munro’s aesthetic and writing style
Beverly Rasporich (1990) believes personal experience and, more specifically, her
experiences as a woman, to be integral to Munro’s work (p. 14). In an interview cited by
Rasporich, Munro discusses the idea of using personal experience, which first came to her
when writing “The Peace of Utrecht.” She claims that if she had not arrived at that point when
she knew that she needed to call on her own experiences for material for her fiction, she
“would not have had enough power to work as a writer” (Rasporich, 1990, p. 14).
This practice of using personal experience as material for stories has caused much
dissension among critics of Munro’s work. There are those who would argue that Munro’s use
of real events and experiences is a negative aspect of her work (Blodgett, 1988, p. 6). These
critics seem to feel that making too much of the autobiographical links in her work reduces it
to the level of the documentary (Blodgett, 1988, p. 1). Blodgett prefers not to view Munro as a
realist, because he finds her “photographic or documentary realism” to be the “negative aspect
of art, that against which her writing has struggled in the three and a half decades of her
engagement with her craft” (p. 6). In contrast to this position, critics such as Beverly
Rasporich (1990) and Michelle Gadpaille (1998) believe that it is her very personal closeness
to her work that makes it strong. It is interesting to note a possible gender split in these
assessments of Munro’s work. The dichotomy which appears to exist between female and
male critics with regard to Munro’s autobiographical tendencies may be at least partially
explained by recent trends in feminist criticism toward viewing a woman’s body as the origin
of her art, with the result being an intense closeness between the woman and her writing
(Gubar, 1981, p. 248). In light of these theories, feminist critics may find accepting
autobiography as a positive aspect of writing fiction to be easier than their male counterparts.
The setting of Munro’s stories is another important element of her craft, as it provides
a connection to her “real life.” The majority of the stories are set in small-town southwestern
Ontario. These towns bear a striking resemblance to the Huron County area where Munro was
raised and currently resides. This rather ordinary setting provides the backdrop for Munro to
explore deeper levels of a seemingly simple existence. She “uses ‘normal’ surroundings-farms, middle-class living rooms, kitchen tables--as the flat paper on which her sensitive pen
registers sudden alarms and shuddering shocks to the social bedrock” (Ross, 1994, p. C1).
The world of her experience is food for the world created by her imagination.
�Another matter which is present consistently in Munro’s work is the tension between
fiction and reality. In several stories the reader is left wondering whether certain events
actually occurred or if they were imagined by the teller. This ambiguity between fiction and
reality is evident in stories where Munro and/or the characters seem to be second-guessing
themselves. For example, the narrator in “The Ottawa Valley” wonders at the end if she has
really told a “proper story” (p. 246).
The final ingredient in an Alice Munro story is the women. Overwhelmingly, her
stories are populated by females; children, adolescents, young wives and mothers, middleaged women, and spinsters dominate these stories. While men are present in the stories, they
are usually in the background as someone’s father, brother, lover, or husband. Speaking in
reference to her story “A Wilderness Station” (Open Secrets, 1994), Munro explains that the
plot centers around two brothers, yet she found herself needing to include a woman. She
admits that she “can’t make a story without a woman” (Ross, 1994, p. C1).
The reasons for Munro’s inability to write stories without women are not completely
clear; however, her habit of drawing on her experiences may be a possible explanation. In
addition, Munro’s well-documented preference for the role of observer may also offer insight
into this matter, for the world with which we are presented in the stories is seen through
women’s eyes.
The fact that Munro’s protagonists are mainly female does not mean that the stories
appeal strictly to women. The relationships explored in the stories, the themes of love, power,
and truth versus reality have universal appeal. Munro’s characters are sincere and believable
because they are closely linked to their creator.
3. Elements of personal experience and inadequacy of fiction in “The Ottawa Valley”
“The Ottawa Valley,” the last story in the collection Something I’ve Been Meaning To Tell
You (1974), marks a turning point in Munro’s career. After writing this piece, she agonized
over the possibility of ceasing to write fiction. Her dissatisfaction with the limitations of art
made her feel “tormented by the inadequacy and impossibility and feel that maybe this is
quite a mistaken way in which to spend one’s life” (Struthers, 1983, p. 28). Not only did she
begin to question her ability to represent personal material and real lives, but she also began to
doubt her “right to represent them at all” (Struthers, 1983, p. 28).
This self-doubt, which is evident from the beginning of her published career with such
stories as “The Office” and “The Peace of Utrecht,” becomes increasingly important in
Munro’s third volume of stories. In “Material” and “Winter Wind” Munro explores the issue
of using personal material for artistic purposes. It is in “The Ottawa Valley,” the story which
concludes the collection, that she finally admits her failure to represent real lives accurately.
From the outset of the story, it is clear that the narrator is obsessed with her late
mother. The recollections of her mother which form the framework of the story occur when
the narrator is in her early forties, approximately the same age at which her mother developed
Parkinson’s Disease. This connection is important, for the narrator’s identity is closely tied to
that of her mother. In the opening paragraph, she states that she frequently thinks of her
mother when she looks in the mirror (p. 227).
The plot centers around the narrator’s memories of a trip which she took with her
sister and mother to the Ottawa Valley during wartime. Returning to her birthplace, it seems
as if the mother is attempting to reclaim her past in an effort to form some semblance of
identity. Similarly, the narrator’s remembered version of this journey represents her attempt to
“mark off” her mother, to “describe, to illuminate, to celebrate, to get rid of her” (p. 246).
�By her own admission, “The Ottawa Valley” is the most autobiographical of Munro’s
stories (Hancock, 1983, p. 104). It is impossible to ignore the fact that Munro’s own mother
suffered from Parkinson’s Disease, and that her illness had a tremendous impact on Munro
(Hancock, 1983, p. 104). Magdalene Redekop (1992) even goes so far as to say that the story
“could be said to be about referentiality” (p. 106), for there is no doubt that the “I” in “The
“Ottawa Valley” is Alice Munro (p. 106). The whole object of the narrator’s journey,
according to Blodgett (1988), is to come to terms with the mother in the story and with
Munro’s real-life mother (p. 72). The parallels between the narrator’s experiments in “The
Ottawa Valley” and Munro’s own experiences with her mother demonstrate that Munro
frequently utilizes material from her own life in her stories.
The narrator’s attempt to reconcile her feelings about her mother is presented through
what Blodgett refers to as a series of snapshots (p. 78). Attempting to freeze the memory of
her mother in time, the narrator relates bits and pieces of the trip to the Ottawa Valley. The
difficulty with these snapshots is that they do not represent the entire picture; they are merely
fragments of reality which have been distorted by the trickery inherent in memories.
The unreliability of memory is particularly evident in the scene in which Aunt Dodie
tells the story of the practical joke which she and the narrator’s mother had played on Allen
Durrand, the hired man, many years earlier. Both ladies agree on the details of what had
happened up to a certain point. After sewing up the fly on Durrand’s pants, they mixed up two
pails full of lemonade, one of which Durrand thirstily consumed. Later, when the lemonade
took effect and he needed to relieve himself, he was unable to open his zipper. Aunt Dodie
and the narrator’s mother disagree on just what they saw when Durrand finally ripped down
his overalls in desperation. According to Dodie, they “had the full view;” however, the
narrator’s mother insisted that he had his back to them (p. 236). This amusing anecdote
illustrates the subjectivity involved in telling stories of remembered people and events.
In her search for identities for both her mother and herself, the narrator wrestles with
the inadequacy of fiction. By attempting to mark off her mother through a series of
remembered incidents, the narrator succeeds in doing little more than assembling a collage of
memories. Realizing that such snapshots are subject to personal interpretation and are often
colored by time, she eventually understands the futility of her task. The facts of these
remembered incidents are much easier to gather than the emotions associated with them.
Without the feelings, the facts have little significance and then their authenticity is called into
question. Viewing these images of the past in hindsight, Munro’s pain and possibly even
regret blur the line between fantasy and reality.
In the postscript added to the story, Munro, in the guise of the narrator, deals with the
inadequacy of fiction. This self-conscious analysis of the method used by the narrator in
trying to define her mother seems almost an apology. The narrator feels a need to explain why
she has been unable to write a “proper story” (p. 246). The intensely personal nature of her
quest for her mother has rendered her unable, and even perhaps unwilling, to end the story
without a final attempt to reach her mother. Blodgett (1988) considers the narrator’s inability
to tell the proper story to be an abandonment of method for the sake of truth (p. 9). The
ultimate truth is that she cannot adequately represent her mother because she [the mother]
“…is so much a part of the narrating ‘I’” (p. 9).
What the narrator means by the phrase “proper story” is problematic. Is she referring
to the accurate version of the story, or is she hoping to provide herself with a suitable story in
which her mother fits neatly into place? The latter of these explanations seems the most
plausible in view of the narrator’s final comments about needing to “mark her off, to describe,
to illumine, to celebrate, to get rid of her” (p. 246). The narrator will never be able to detach
herself sufficiently from her mother to write the “proper story” because their identities have
become intertwined. The proper story would ostensibly be comprised of an introduction, the
�body of the story, a climax, and some form of resolution. The lack of resolution is what
troubles both the narrator and Munro. If resolution is impossible, what is the point of writing
at all?
This admission of failure to write the proper story is extremely significant. Redekop
(1992) sees this story as a “courageous confrontation with failure” (p. 114). She feels that
“The Ottawa Valley” has special power because “a community of readers is formed by this
process and the mutual vulnerability, the risk of exposing subjectivity is crucial to that
experience” (Redekop, 1992, p. 104). The pain which Munro clearly feels in attempting to
depict her mother and their relationship truthfully, and her inability to do so properly, creates
a feeling of empathy for the writer. That the narrator, and by extension Munro, is only human
is a gratifying realization which serves to increase the closeness between the reader and the
story. In spite of her inability to reach the truth about her mother, Munro continues to use
personal material in her stories. She does concede, however, that she will not likely write any
more stories about her mother and her childhood (Hancock, 1983, p. 104). The distance which
Munro requires to write a “proper story” about her mother is impossible to achieve.
4. Conclusion
Clearly, the quest undertaken by the narrator of “The Ottawa Valley” has been about more
than defining her mother, it has also been a search for a balance between real life and fiction.
W. R. Martin (1987) believes that this balance is indeed achieved. He says of Munro:
[W]hat she shows is simply that an artist can fail--through lack
of skill or application, or perhaps because she is a daughter and
too close to her subject, her mother--but also that the artist
sometimes succeeds. If art were always a betrayal, what point
would there be in devoting one’s life to writing short stories?
(Martin, 1987, p. 91)
Fascinated by ordinary life, Munro is certain that she will never run out of material for fiction
(Hancock, 1983, p. 82). She finds that “even totally commonplace things like a shopping
centre and a supermarket and things like that are just sort of endlessly interesting in their
physical reality” (Hancock, 1983, p. 101). Because of the accuracy with which she depicts
everyday life, and the fact that she so often draws upon her own experience of growing up in a
rural area of Southwestern Ontario, Munro is frequently dubbed a realist. This label is most
unfortunate, for it seems to imply a somewhat limited range of imagination, which is certainly
not the case with Alice Munro. Instead, Munro’s abilities of keen observation and detailed
description should be viewed as skills which are essential to any writer. The result of putting
these skills to use is a body of fiction which encourages us to identify with characters, places,
and events.
References
1. Blodgett, E. D. (1988). Alice Munro. Boston: G.K. Hall and Company.
2. Gadpaille, Michelle. (1998). The Canadian Short Story. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
3. Gubar, Susan. (1981). ‘The Blank Page’ and the Issues of Female Creativity. Critical
Inquiry, 8, 243-64.
�4. Hancock. Geoff. (1983). An Interview With Alice Munro. Canadian Fiction Magazine, 43,
74-114.
5. Martin, W. R. (1987) Alice Munro: Paradox and Parallel. Edmonton: University of Alberta
Press.
6. Munro, Alice. (1972). The Colonel’s Hash Resettled. In John Metcalf (ed.), The Narrative
Voice (pp. 181-183), Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited.
7. Munro, Alice. (1982). What is Real?. In John Metcalf (ed.), Making It New (pp. 223-226),
Toronto: Methuen.
8. Munro, Alice. (1990). Something I’ve Been Meaning to Tell You. Toronto: Penguin Books.
9. Rasporich, Beverly. (1990). Dance of the Sexes: Art and Gender in the Fiction of Alice
Munro. Edmonton, University of Alberta Press.
10. Redekop, Magdalene. (1992). Mothers and Other Clowns: The Stories of Alice Munro.
London: Routledge.
11. Ross, Val. (1994, October 1). A Writer Called Alice. The Globe and Mail, p. C1.
12. Struthers, J.R. (1983). The Real Material: An Interview with Alice Munro. In L.K.
MacKendrick (ed.), Probable Fictions: Alice Munro’s Narrative Acts. (pp. 5-36), Toronto:
ECW.
�
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3274
Title
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Writing the Proper Story: The Importance of Personal Experience and Inadequacy of Fiction in Alice Munro’s Story “The Ottawa Valley”
Author
Author
Alihodžić, Demir
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
The tendency among contemporary women writers to look inside themselves for material for fiction is particularly evident in the work of Alice Munro. Munro’s practice of utilizing personal experience in her stories is central to her work, and is therefore identified as an essential element of her fictional aesthetic. In “The Ottawa Valley,” the parallels between Munro’s experiences with her own terminally-ill mother and those of the narrator whose mother has Parkinson’s Disease, are immediately recognizable. Other stories also contain bits and pieces gathered from Munro’s memories; however, she is adamant that her stories should not be seen as strictly autobiographical. Her refusal to allow her work to be described as autobiographical serves as a protective shell into which the author may retreat, and as a reminder that Munro’s stories operate on many levels of reality. In the postscript added to the story, Munro, in the guise of the narrator, deals with the inadequacy of fiction. In several stories the reader is left wondering whether certain events actually occurred or if they were imagined by the teller. This ambiguity between fiction and reality is evident in stories where Munro and/or the characters seem to be second-guessing themselves. For example, the narrator in “The Ottawa Valley” wonders at the end if she has really told a “proper story.” This paper examines the importance of personal experience and inadequacy of fiction in writing by Alice Munro in general, and particularly in reference to her short story “The Ottawa Valley.” The parallels between the narrator’s experiences in “The Ottawa Valley” and Munro’s own experiences with her mother demonstrate that Munro frequently utilizes material from her own life in her stories. Key words: Alice Munro, Postcolonial literature, personal experience, fiction, short story
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
International Burch University
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2016-05-12
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f4d3f4b10ed9f117c0b1d684710db7f6.pdf
5bb9c8af184702531bb464b35bab8668
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3273
Title
A name given to the resource
Slovene as the second/foreign language in Slovene pre-school institutions
Author
Author
Skubic, Darija
Jerman, Janez
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Slovenia has long been a place for immigration; with the accession into the European Union it has become even more interesting for different groups of immigrants from European and non-European countries. According to the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, 106.486 foreigners (5.16% of overall population in Slovenia) were living in Slovenia at the end of 2015. It is expected that this migration trend in the light of world events continues or even increases. One of the key factors for the successful integration of young generations of migrants in society is education. The survey Index of the policy of integration of migrants (MIPEX, 2015), implemented by the British Council and Migration Policy Group, shows that few education systems in Europe are adapting to the realities of immigration. Sweden, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Canada, Portugal are the most engaged countries, whereas Slovenia is among the least committed (it ranks 28 among 38 selected countries). Language has a major role in supporting children’s process of identity formation and in helping them understand where they fit in the new environment they are entering. Language is, of course, not the only factor that promotes integration and enables successful education, but the fact remains that immigrant pupils are better achievers in those countries that pay greater attention to second/foreign language learning starting in preschool institutions. In the present paper we discuss the Slovene pre-school teachers’ and pre-school teacher assistants' attitudes towards learning Slovene as the second/foreign language in Slovene pre-school institutions. The research was conducted on a sample of 143 pre-school teachers and pre-school teacher assistants. The results imply that Slovene pre-school teachers and pre-school teacher assistants hold positive attitudes towards learning Slovene as a second/foreign language, they see their role as the promoters of learning Slovene as a second/foreign language to non-Slovene children, but they strongly express the lack of training in language learning strategies of Slovene as a second/foreign language. Keywords: Slovene, second/foreign language, preschool institutions, pre-school teacher and pre-school teacher assistant
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
International Burch University
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2016-05-12
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f25f076f9c51983e81aaea35044f24b3.pdf
9c7c08b8205bdf21027729ef33077f97
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Text
Anthroponyms of the fairy tale Kako je Potjeh tražio istinu by Ivana Brlic-Mazuranic
and aspects of their translation in target language texts
Biljana Vidiček
Croatia
Abstract:
It is the general opinion that translation of literary works should be transparent and in
the spirit of the original. The same applies for translation of personal names as one of
particularities of a literary work. In addition to identifying protagonists, personal names play
important role in their characterization and represent a literary character to the reader in a
multilayer manner and in more direct way than in everyday life. Therefore, we believe that
translation of personal names in a literary work should earn specifically important place in
order to achieve genuine reception with readers of the translated literary work.
The objective of this study is to present the results of comparative analysis of
personal names of the characters in the Croatian source text, fairytale Kako je
potjehtražioistinu and their versions in other target languages. The corpus includes release of
all available translations of the fairytale Kako je Potjehtražioistinu(How Quest Sought the
Truth) in English, French, Hungarian, German, Italian, Russian, Czech, Danish, Swedish and
Ukrainian language printed during the last hundred years,ie of its publication in the collection
of children fairytales Price izdavnine (Tales from long ago) until present.
With consideration to translating procedures, various translating
strategies applied in translation of personal names of the fairytale’s characters into different
languages will be compared and highlighted in this study. Cross-cultural and semantic
implications of translation choices will be observed and consequent conclusions will be made
on extent of their authenticity.
Keywords: Tales, translating personal names, translation procedures, comparative analysis
1. Uvod
Kao jedna od kulturnih specifičnosti književnih djela ističu se vlastita imena među
kojima ovdje izdvajamo antroponime. S obzirom na činjenicu da se vlastitim imenima kao
bitnim označiteljima u književnim djelima, posebno u onima pisanim za djecu vrši svojevrsna
identifikacija likova, autorski postupak nadijevanja imena prema istaknutim karakteristikama
likova ili njihovom osebujnom ponašanju uobičajena je pojava. No, prilikom prevođenja djela
dječje književnosti na ciljni jezik, nameće se pitanje o potrebi prevođenja vlastitih imena.
Ovo pitanje predstavlja jednu od najzanimljivijih žarišnih točaka u kojoj se susreću problemi i
strategije prijevoda uopće. Kako su ovom problemu pristupili prevoditelji djela Ivane BrlićMažuranić, točnije prve bajke antologijske zbirke Priče iz davninenaslova Kako je Potjeh
tražio istinu, razmotrit će se u ovome radu.
�2. Antroponimi u bajci Kako je Potjeh tražio istinu
Pojedine bajke zbirke Priče iz davnine kao i zbirka u cijelosti prevedene su na
mnogestrane jezike, a na neke više puta. Zbirka je prvi put objavljena 1916.g. nakon čega se
vrlo brzo počela prevoditi. Prvo je 1924.g. prevedena na engleski jezik, a sljedećih dvadeset
godina na desetak drugih stranih jezika. Tijekom sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina Zbirka
se prevodi na niz novih jezika. Danas, možemo reći da se zbirka bajki Priče iz davnine kao i
pojedine pripadajuće bajke mogu čitati na sljedećim jezicima: češki, danski, njemački, ruski,
slovački, ukrajinski, francuski, talijanski, albanski, kineski, mađarski, esperanto, finski,
litavski, poljski, bugarski, latvijski, japanski, španjolski, engleski i švedski jezik.
Prevoditeljima ovoga djela posebni izazov predstavljaju
izražajna ili sugestivna vlastita imena koja svojim značenjem prenose poruke čitateljima što
se očituje u njihovom alegorijskom supstratu.
Na korpusu prijevodnih izdanja zbirkePriče iz
davnine Ivane Brlić-Mažuranić i zasebnih prijevodnih izdanja bajke Kako je Potjeh tražio
istinu1 u ovome će se radu identificirati značenjem obogaćenaimena likova i čudesnih bića iz
mitološkog svijeta i usmene narodne književnosti zastupljena u ovoj bajci, te će se
komparativnom metodom promatrati njihova prijevodna rješenja u različitim ciljnim jezicima
kao i same strategije prevođenja. Strategije prevođenjaantroponima ove bajke bazirat će se na
klasifikacijiThea Hermana (1988) odnosno njegove četiri osnovne strategije prevođenja
antroponima: kopiranje ili preuzimanje imena (imena su reproducirana u ciljnom tekstu na isti
način kao i u izvornom tekstu), transkribiranje imena (imena su reproducirana u ciljnom
tekstu na način da su prilagođena na fonološkom, morfološkom, gramatičkom nivou),
zamjena imena (imena koja svojim oblikom i/ili sadržajem nisu vezana za zaplet priče/bajke
izvornog teksta; mogu biti zamijenjena bilo kojim drugim imenom u ciljnom tekstu),
prevođenje imena (imena koja su transparentna ili motivirana svojim značenjem te postoje u
standardiziranom jeziku) (Aguilera, 2008 prema Aixela, Franco, 2000: 76).Ove strategije
prevođenja vlastitih imena mogu se kombinirati proizvodeći nove metode prijenosa imena iz
J1 u J2. Tako se strategijama prijenosa imena iz izvornog teksta u ciljni tekst smatraju još i
izostavljanje imena u ciljnom tekstu ili umetanje imena kada ga nema u izvornom tekstu.
U konačnici će se usporediti i istaknuti
različite strategije primijenjene prilikom prevođenja imena likova ove bajke u različitim
kulturama.Time će se zaključiti o odabranim i prevladavajućim načinima i strategijama
prevođenja pojedinih prevoditelja. Razmotrit će se međukulturalne i semantičke implikacije
prijevodnih rješenja te će se zaključiti o stupnju ostvarene autentičnosti.
Šest imena bajke Kako je Potjeh tražio
istinu(Vjest, Ljutiša, Marun, Potjeh, Bjesomar i Svarožić)usporedit će se sa svojim
prijevodnim inačicama u slijedećim stranim jezicima: engleskom, švedskom, danskom,
njemačkom, ruskom, ukrajinskom, češkom, talijanskom, mađarskom i francuskom.
3. Strategija prevođenja
�3.1. Engleski jezik
2
Croatian Tales of Long Ago , 1924
Croatian Tales of Long Ago3, 2010
ENGLESKI JEZIK
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša Marun
Bjesomar
Witting Quest
Bluster Careful Rampogusto
Nepromijenjeno u odnosu na izdanje iz 1924.
Svarožić
All.Rosy
Za ime starca Vjesta čije je izvorno ime ili značenjem nemotivirano ili je moguće
izvedenica pridjeva vješt, engleska prevoditeljica FSC4 1924. odabire ime Witting, pridjevnog
oblika u značenju - svjestan, promišljen, oprezan, ne tememljeći svoju prijevodnu inačicu na
prenošenju semantičkog „tereta“ (jer se radi o nemotiviranom, tj. konvencionalnom imenu),
već na temelju njegovih karakternih osobina prepoznatih u samom tekstu.
Značenjem obogaćeno ime Potjeh (izvedeno od glagola potješiti5 - malo utješiti,
olakšati kome tugu) prevodi kao Quest (imenica) - traganje, traženje6 u čemu se ne oslanja na
značenje koje proizlazi iz imena Potjeh, već na kontekst bajke iz kojeg proizlazi Potjehova
uloga „tragača“ za istinom u čemu se znatno odmiče od semantičkog sloja izvorne inačice
imena. Za autoričin motiv odabira imena Ljutiša koje je značenjem motivirano ime (netko tko
se često ljuti), možemo pokušati pronaći i argument u samom izvornom tekstu: „Ljutišu pak
bocka rogom bijes u njedrima, a taj je bijes htio da bude najjači među svima i gospodar
svemu svijetu“. Ipak, ovaj opis onoga što je Ljutiša postao nakon što ga je „začarao“ bijes ne
odgovara u cijelosti značenju imena Ljutiša. Rekli bismo da se prevoditeljica imenom Bluster
(imenica, glagol) – hvalisanje, hvalisati se; prazne prijetnje, prijetiti se7poprilično udaljila od
osnovnog značenja imena Ljutiša, ali da je tim imenom (Hvalisavac), drugačijeg značenja i
jačeg pejorativnog naboja istovremeno vrlo dobro prenijela sam doživljaj lika opisanog u
izvornom tekstu kao nekog tko je želio biti najjači i vladar svega, a na kraju nije mogao ubiti
svoga djeda kada mu je to brat Marun predložio.
Ime Marun mogli bismo interpretirati kao onaj koji je maran, marljiv tj.
radišan. Njega je autorica izvornog teksta opisala (nakon što ga je bijes začarao) kao osobu
koja je isključivo težila za bogatstvom i materijalnim dobrom te je svo svoje vrijeme posvetila
upravo marljivom radu i stjecanju. To je u konačnici rezultiralo ohološću i pohlepom zbog
čega se htio riješiti svoga djeda. Prevoditeljica ime Marun prevodi kao Careful (pridjev) pažljiv, brižljiv, obazriv, smotren. Svakako ćemo zaključiti da je Marun bio pažljiv, obazriv i
smotren u kontekstu bogaćenja i nagovaranja svoga brata Ljutišu da likvidira djeda, ali u
kontekstu brižnog ponašanja ga ne možemo vidjeti.
Za ime Bjesomar Ivana Brlić-Mažuranič nudi objašnjenje uTumaču
imenaobjavljenom kao dodatak zbirci Priče iz davnine. U Tumaču za ime Bjesomar stoji:
Tako nazivahu stari Slaveni u nekim krajevima vladara zlih i opakih sila. Prevoditeljica se
odlučuje za ime Rampogusto i također na kraju knjige daje svoje objašnjenje ovakvog
odabira: Analysed, the name might be translated as Cherish-goblin, one who cares for
hobgoblin8.
U Tumaču imena i za ime Svarožić stoji objašnjenje: Sunčanu
svjetlost zamišljali su naši pređi u obliku prekrasna mladića po imenu Svarožića. Uz ovo
objašnjenje Ivane Brlić-Mažuranić napomenut ćemo da oblikotvorno Svarožić je ustvari
umanjenica imena Svarog. Prevoditeljica ovo ime prevodi kao All Rosy, a prevodi i
objašnjenje koje je u Tumaču imena dala Ivana Brlić-Mažuranić za ime Svarožić: The ancient
�Slavs pictured the sunshine in the form of a beautiful youth named Svarohc, All-rose.
Pretpostavljamo da je prvi motiv ovakvog odabira prevoditeljice bilo nastojanje dadonekle
zadržati zvučnu slikuimena ime Svarohc(kako ga je ona transkribirala), drugi motiv leži u
njenom viđenju prekrasne mladosti imena All Rosy - Sav Ružičast, Sav Rumen, Sav Crven9
koja uobličuje Sunce. Unatoč činjenici da se prevoditeljica s ovakvim odabirom poprilično
udaljila od imena Svarožić, u kontekstu ove bajke ime All Rosy (Sav Rumen) može biti
označitelj onog pozitivnog, optimističnog, lijepog i dobrog kao kontrast zlom Bjesomaru tj.
Rampogustu. U pretisku iz 2010. stanje ostaje nepromijenjeno.
3.2. Švedski i danski jezik
Lavendel och Rosmarin10, 1928.
11
Lavandel og Rosmarin , 1929.
ŠVEDSKI JEZIK
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša
Justus
Tröste
Bruse
DANSKI JEZIK
Starac Vjest Potjeh Ljutiša
Justus
Trøst
Bruse
Marun
Samle
Marun
Blide
Bjesomar
Rampus
Svarožić
Rosengull
Bjesomar
Rampogusto
Svarožić
Prins
Rosenguld
Kao prijevodnu inačicu imena Vjest, švedska prevoditeljica MWM 1928. odabire ime
Justus, baš kao i danski prevoditelj TB 1929. Ime Justus MWM izvodi iz švedske imenice
justic, a TB iz danske imenice justits –obje značenja pravda. S obzirom da je već rečeno da
ime Vjest nije značenjem motivirano, rekli bismo da je u prijevodnoj inačici Justus sadržan
doživljaj i karakter lika starca Vjesta.
Za ime Potjeh12 u švedskoj inačici nalazimo ime Tröste, a u danskoj
Trøst. Oba imena dolaze od imenice tröst – utjeha, čime su oba prevoditelja ostvarili
prikladnije rješenje nego engleska prevoditeljica imenom Quest.
Ime Ljutiša oba prevoditelja prevode kao Bruse što dolazi od
švedske imenice brus - buka, šum ili brusa – grmljavina ili glagol rikati. Ovakvim su izborom
prevoditelji, baš kao i engleska prevoditeljica smatrali prikladnijim rješenjem prikazati Ljutišu
kao glasnog, bučnog „snagatora“ nego nekoga tko je sklon ljutnji.
Ime Marun švedska prevoditeljica prevodi kao Samle, a danski
prevoditelj kao Blide. Ime Samle dolazi od švedskog glagola samla – skupljati, akumulirati,
okupljati tj. nj. participa saml - okupljen, sastavljen što ne aludira na samo značenje imena
Marun ili riječi od koje je ime izvedeno, ali odgovara opisu lika tog imena (netko tko skuplja i
akumulra tj. zgrče). Za odabir danske prevoditeljice imena Blide - nježan,slabteško možemo
naći poveznicu i sa samim imenom Marun i s karakterom lika toga imena osim ako
prevoditeljica nije aludirala na psihičku karakterizaciju lika.
Što se tiče imena Bjesomar, u švedskoj inačici ove bajke
prevoditelj se odlučio za ime Rampus koja predstavlja kraću verziju imena Rampogusto
(engleski prijevod) za koje je već dano objašnjenje, a i treba uzeti u obzir da ime Rumpus ima
konotaciju na riječ rumpus - smetnja, uznemirenje, nemir što je sasvim u skladu s ulogom
Bjesomara u ovoj bajci. U danskoj inačici prevoditelji su slijedili englesko izdanje iz 1924. i
preuzeli u cijelosti ime Rampogusto. Ime Svarožić u švedskoj inačici glasi Rosengull što je
�proizlazi iz imenice ros- pohvala, slava ili glagola rosa- hvaliti, slavit, veličati i pridjeva gul žuto. U danskom izdanju nalazimo za ime Svarožić prijevod Prins Rosenguld, također
složenicu koja se sastoji od glagola ros- hvaliti, slavit, veličati, kao i u švedskoj inačici, te
pridjeva guld- zlatno. Oba rješenja metaforički možemo objasniti kao slaviti Sunce, što lik
Svarožića upravo i predstavlja. Danskoj je inačici prevoditeljica još dodala i naslov Prins –
princ. Dodavanje još jedne informacije prijevodnu inačicu čini jasnijom i privlačnijom
čitateljskoj publici. Ovakvu prevoditeljsku strategijudodavanja Herman nije opisao, ali jun je
opisao Fernandes u svom radu ( Fernandes 53: 2006.).
4. Strategija transkribiranja i strategija fonološke zamjene ili sličnosti
4.1. Ukrajinski i ruski jezik
Казки з давнини,13 1971.
Ϲказки давняго времени , 1930.
14
UKRAJINSKI JEZIK
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša
Вест
Потех
Лютіша
Vjest
Вѣщій
RUSKI JEZIK
Potjeh
Ljutiša
Потѣхъ
Лютишъ
Marun
Maрун
Marun
Maрунъ
Bjesomar
Бісомар
Svarožić
Сварожич
Bjesomar
Бѣсомаръ
Svarožić
Сварожичъ
Prevoditelj na ukrajinski jezik VG 1971. s obzirom na Hermanovu podjelu koristi se u
prijevodu imenastrategijom transkribiranja. I prevoditelji na ruski jezik prevode
istomstrategijom, no to možemo tvrditi samo za imena Potjeh, Marun, Bjesomar i Svarožić. S
obzirom da izvorne inačice imena Vjest i Ljutiša nisu fonemski, grafološki analogne
prijevodnim inačicama, reći ćemo da su ova dva imena prevedena strategijom fonološke
zamjene ili sličnosti.
4.2. Češki jezik
Pohádky z dávných dob15, 1928.
Pohádky z dávných dob16, 1979.
Vjest
Věst
Věst
ČEŠKI JEZIK
Potjeh
Ljutiša
Útěch
Lutiša
Obrad
Hněvoš
Marun
Marun
Marun
Bjesomar
Běsomar
Běsomar
Svarožić
Svarožic
Svarožic
Prevoditelji na češki jezik JH 1928. i WI 1979. također prevode strategijom
transkribiranja, ali samo imena: Vjest, Marun, Bjesomar dok se za imena Potjeh, Ljutiša i
Svarožic i jedani drugi prevoditelj odlučuju za druge strategije: Prvi JH 1928. ime Potjeh
prevodi kao Utěch – utjeha iz čega je razvidno da koristi strategiju prevođenja, a imena
Ljutiša kao Lutiša i Svarožić kao Svarožic koristi strategiju fonološke zamjene ili sličnosti.
Prevoditeljica WI 1970. ime Potjeh strategijom prevođenja ne prevodi doslovno, već mu
imenom Obrad- svečanost dodjeljuje metaforičko značenje. Istom strategijom prevodi i ime
Ljutiša kao Hněvoš što izvodi od češke imenice hnev – gnjev i zadovoljava tekstualni segment
preijevoda.
�4.3. Francuski jezik
FRANCUSKI JEZIK
Comment Potik partit a la recherché de
la verite17, 1998.
Vjest
Viest
Potjeh
Potik
Ljutiša
Liouticha
Marun
Maroun
Bjesomar
Furimor
Svarožić
Svarojitch
Prevoditelj francuskog izdanja PD 1998. imena Vjest, Ljutiša, Marun i Svarožić
prevodi stategijom transkribiranja, ime Potik strategijom fonološke zamjene ilisličnosti, a ime
Bjesomar prevodi strategijom prevođenja u Furimor što izvodi iz francuskog pridjeva furiuxbijesan.
5. Strategija kopiranja ili preuzimanja
5.1 Talijanski jezik
TALIJANSKI JEZIK
Vjest Potjeh
Ljutiša
Vjest Potjeh
Ljutisa
Vjest Potjeh
Ljutiscia
Leggende Croate18, 1957.
Racconti e leggende della Croazia19,
1957.
Racconti e leggende della Croazia20,
1975.
Marun
Marun
Marun
Bjesomar
Bjesomar
Bjesomar
Svarožić
Svarozic
Svarozic
Nepromijenjeno u odnosu na izdanje iz 1957.
Prevoditelji talijanskih izdanja imaju jednaka prijevodna rješenja za sva imena osim za
ime Ljutiša. Ime Ljutiša. Prevoditelj UU 1957. prevodi kao Ljutisa, a TF iste godine kao
Ljutiscia. Kod oba prevoditelja radi se o strategiji fonološke zamijene ili sličnosti. Istom
metodom koriste se oba prevoditelja prevodeći ime Svarožić kao Svarožic. Ostala imena:
Vjest, Potjeh, Marun i Bjesomar prevode strategijom kopiranja ili preuzimanja.
5.2. Mađarski jezik i njemački jezik
MAĐARSKI JEZIK
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša Marun Bjesomar
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša Marun
Bjesomar
Nepromijenjeno u odnosu na izdanje iz 1965.g.
Nepromijenjeno u odnosu na izdanje iz 1965.g.
Rég múlt idők meséi , 1965.
Rég múlt idők meséi22, 1979.
Rég múlt idők meséi23, 1982.
21
24
Geschichten aus Urvaterzeiten , 2012.
NJEMAČKI JEZIK
Vjest
Potjeh Ljutiša
Vjest
Potjeh
Ljutiša
Marun
Marun
Bjesomar
Bjesomar
Svarožić
Svarožić
Svarožić
Svarožić
�Mađarski prevoditelj BI u sva tri izdanja 1965., 1979. i 1982.; i njemački prevoditelj
PB 2012. koriste strategiju kopiranja/ preuzimanja. U njihovim prijevodnim inačicama
nalazimo imena nepromijenjena u odnosu na izvorni tekst.
6. Zaključak:
Govoreći u kontekstu dviju osnovnih i oprečnih prevoditeljskih strategija, strategije
odomaćivanja i otuđivanja25 na temelju ove komparativne analize zaključujemo da su imena
bajke Kako je Potjeh tražio istinu prevedena većinom strategijom odomaćivanja kojom su
prevoditelji nastojali imena likova (značenjem, fonološki i grafološki) što više približi
čitateljima iz ciljne kulture i njezinim vrijednostima smatrajući da će mladi čitatelji lakše i
uspješnije razumjeti i doživjeti i tekst i likove ako se sadržaji izvornika, koji bi im mogli biti
strani, zamijene poznatim im sadržajima ili pismom iz vlastite kulture.
Strategijom otuđivanja koristili su se samo mađarski prevoditelj BI u sva tri izdanja i
njemački prevoditelj BP (2012). Prednosti ove strategije su dakako u tome što neke bitne
značajke originalaostaju očuvane.Upravo to nastojanje da se očuvaju bitne značajke izvornoga
teksta zagovornici prevoditeljske strategije otuđivanja okarakterizirat će kao „poštovanje
prema izvornome tekstu, prema njegovu autoru, prema dječjoj književnosti i prema djeci
općenito“ (Šmidt Pelajić, 2015: 351 prema Stolt, 2006: 82).
Ovim radom nismo željeli dati prednost jednoj od ova dva osnovna
prevoditeljska smjera, već vidjeti kako i kojim bi se postupcima primjena obje strategije, i
odomaćivanja i otuđivanja, mogla unaprijediti i usavršiti. Mišljenja smo da bi prevoditelji
koji motivirane i značenjem obogaćene riječi prevode strategijom odomaćivanjatrebali
nastojati pronaći što bliži i precizniji semantički ekvivalent izvornog imena kako se ne bi
narušila sama funkcionalnost priče odnosno bajke za što je potrebno odlično poznavanje
onomastike, etimologije, tvorbe riječi i leksika izvornog i ciljnog jezika. Također, prevoditelji
bi morali ograničiti svoju prevoditeljsku slobodu. I sam Schleiermacher već je davno upozorio
da u primjeni strategije odomaćivanja, u parafraziranjima i adaptacijama teksta leže opasnosti
koje mogu dovesti do neobuzdane prevoditeljske samovolje (Šmidt Pelajić, 2015: 351 prema
Schleiermacher, 1963: 66 i Stolt, 2006: 68).
Prevoditelji koji strategijom otuđivanja preuzimaju/kopiraju imena, morali bi ili u
tumaču na kraju knjige ili u bilješkama prikazati objašnjenja svih motiviranih imena,
mitoloških imena kao i onih vezanih za usmenu narodnu književnost.
Završit ćemoparafrazirajući Seada Muhamedagića (2003.) koji kaže da
se danas mnoga nesnalaženja i nesigurnosti mogu se protumačiti nepostojanjem jasno
definiranih jezičnih standarda, a činjenica da kod nas još uvijek nije ustrojen sustav
traduktološke izobrazbe otvara prostor najrazličitijim nedoumicama o kojima bi se mogle
ispisati na stotine stranica.
Bilješke
�1Podaci
o prijevodnim izdanjima uzeti su iz djela: Ivana Brlić-Mažuranić: Bibliografija,
Slavonski Brod 2014. Priredio: Vinko Brešić
2
Croatian Tales of Long Ago. London – New York: George Allen & Unwin LTD. – Frederick
A. Stokes Company, 1924. Prevela: Fanny S. Copeland
3
Croatian Tails of Long Ago. Memphis: General books, 2010. reprinted 79 str.
4
Imena svih prevoditelja navode se početnim slovom imena i prezimena, velikim slovima, bez
točke. Puno ime nalazi se u bilješci kojom je u tablici pripadajućeg jezika označen naslov i
godina izdanja.
5
Hrvatski jezični portal. Hjp.znanje.hr (pristup 9.5. 2016.)
6
A long or arduous search for something (duga i naporna potraga za nečim) prijevod autorice
ovog rada B.V.
7
To talk in a loud, aggressive, or indignant way with little effect (govoriti glasno, agresivno ili
ogorčeno s vrlo malo efekta)prijevod autorice ovog rada B.V.
8
Hobgoblin - bauk, đavolčić. In mythologgy and fairy tales a mischievous imp or sprite (U
mitologiji i bajkama) nestašan vragolan ili duh) - prijevod autorice ovog rada B.V.
9
Opis Svarožićeva zlatna dvora. (Bijeli oblak, a po njemu rumen oblačak. Na rumenom
oblačku stakleno brdo, na staklenom brdu zlatan dvor…)
10
Lavendel och Rosmarin: sagor for stora och smaa. Stockholm: Bokforlaget Natur och kultur,
1928. 170 str. Prevodilac: Margit Wohlfart Miholić
11
Lavandel og Rosmarin. Koebenhavn: H. Koppels Forlag, 1929. 135 str. Prevodilac: Thorkil
Berfod
12
Vidi bilj. 6 u tekstu.
13Kazki z davnini. Dlja molodšogo škil'nogo viku. Kijev: Vidavnictvo ditjačoj
literaturiVeselka, 1971. 127 str. Prevodilac: Vil Grimič
14
Skazki davnjago vremeni. Zagreb: Izdanje autora, 1930. 177 str. Prevodilac: Fedorov,
Nikolaj I.; Brlić, Ivo
15
Pohádky z dávných dob. Prag: Vydavatelstvo Družstevní práce, 1928. Prevodilac: Hudec,
Jan.
16
Pohádky z dávných dob. Prag: Lidové nakladatelstvi, 1979. 161.str. Prevodilac: Wenigová,
Irena
17
Comment Potik partit a la recherché de la verite. Most (Zagreb. 1976) - (1998), ¾; str. 1928. Prevodilac: Pascale Delpech
18
Leggende Croate. (Favole antiche). Firenze: Marzocco, 1957. 143 str. Prevodilac: Urbani,
Umberto
19
Racconti e leggende della Croazia di Ivana Brlić Mažuranić. Torino: S.A.I.E., 1957. 183
str. Prevodilac: Trogrančić, Franjo
20
Racconti e leggende della Croazia di Ivana Brlić Mažuranić. Alba: Edizioni Paolione, 1975.
191 str. Prevodilac: Trogrančić, Franjo
21Rég múlt idők meséi. Novi Sad: Forum Könyvkiadó, 1965. 172 str. Prevodilac: Bodrits,
Istvan
22
Rég múlt idők meséi. Novi Sad: Forum Könyvkiadó, 1979. (Hazi olvasmany az altalanos
iskolai neveles es oktatas 6. osztalya szamara.) 179.str. Prevodilac: Bodrits, Istvan
23
Rég múlt idők meséi. Ujvidek = Novi Sad: Tankonyvkiado Intezet = Zavod za izdavanje
udžbenika, 1982. 2. (Hazi olvasmany; 6). 179. str. Prevodilac: Bodrits Istvan
24Geschichten aus Urvaterzeiten: (Auszuge aus dem Buch). Relations (1/2), 2012. str. 45-63.
Prevodilac: Perić, Boris.
28
Friedrich Schleiermacher je u svojoj znanstvenoj raspravi Uber die verschieden Methoden
des Uebersetzens(O različitim metodama prevođenja) (1963.) načeo jedno od glavnih težišta
aktualnih rasprava povezanih s problematikom prevođenja dječje književnosti. U skladu s tim
�danas se ističu dvije oprečne strategije prevođenja: strategija otuđivanja i stratrgija
odomaćivanja. Primjenom strategije otuđivanja, kojoj je i sam Schleiermacher bio
naklonjeniji, čitatelju se razotkrivaju i približavaju njemu možda neobični načini razmišljanja,
osjećanja, ali i elementi tuđinske kulture. Isticao je da prijevod treba odražavati „duh jezika“
izvornika. Strategija odomaćivanja najrasprostranjenija je strategija, a njeni zagovornici
smatraju da je potrebno književni tekst, pa i imena likova prijevodom približi čitateljima iz
ciljne kulture kako bi se olakšao identifikacijski proces mladih čitatelja.
Izvori:
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 2004. „Priče iz davnine“ Zagreb: Golden marketing-Tehnička knjiga.
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana.1924.„Croatian Tales of Long Ago“. London – New York: George
Allen & Unwin LTD. – Frederick A. Stokes Company. Prevela: Fanny S. Copeland
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 2010.„Croatian Tails of Long Ago“. Memphis: General books,
reprinted 79 str.
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1928.„Lavendel och Rosmarin“: sagor for stora och smaa.
Stockholm: Bokforlaget Natur och kultur, 170 str. Prevodilac: Margit Wohlfart
Miholić
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana1929. „Lavandel og Rosmarin“. Koebenhavn: H. Koppels Forlag, 135
str. Prevodilac: Thorkil Berfod
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1933.„Aus Urvaterzeiten. Marchen aus kroatischer Urzeit“. Salzburg:
Verlag Anton Pustet, 229 str. Prevodilac: Lucerna Camilla.
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1999.„Aus Urvaterzeiten: Marchen aus kroatischer Urzeit“. Ogulin:
Matica hrvatska Ogulin, 182 str. Prevodilac: Luzerna, Camilla.
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1971.„Kazki z davnini. Dlja molodšogo škil'nogoviku“. Kijev:
Vidavnictvo ditjačoj literaturiVeselka, 127 str. Prevodilac: Vil Grimič
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana1930. „Skazki davnjago vremeni“. Zagreb: Izdanje autora, 177 str.
Prevodilac: Fedorov, Nikolaj I.; Brlić, Ivo
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1928.„Pohádky z dávných dob“. Prag: Vydavatelstvo Družstevní
práce, Prevodilac: Hudec, Jan.
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1979.„Pohádky z dávných dob“. Prag: Lidové nakladatelstvi, 161.str.
Prevodilac: Wenigová, Irena
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1976. – 1998. „Comment Potik partit a la recherché de la verite“.
Most, Zagreb. ¾; str. 19-28. Prevodilac: Pascale Delpech
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1957.„Leggende Croate. (Favole antiche)“. Firenze: Marzocco, 143
str. Prevodilac: Urbani, Umberto
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1957.„Racconti e leggende della Croazia di Ivana Brlić Mažuranić“.
Torino: S.A.I.E., 183 str. Prevodilac: Trogrančić, Franjo
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1975.„Racconti e leggende della Croazia di Ivana Brlić Mažuranić“.
Alba: Edizioni Paolione, 191 str. Prevodilac: Trogrančić, Franjo
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1965.„Rég múlt idők meséi“. Novi Sad: Forum Könyvkiadó, 172 str.
Prevodilac: Bodrits, Istvan
Brlić-Mažuranić, Ivana. 1979.„Rég múlt idők meséi“. Novi Sad: Forum Könyvkiadó, (Hazi
olvasmany az altalanos iskolai neveles es oktatas 6. osztalya szamara.) 179.str.
Prevodilac: Bodrits, Istvan
Literatura:
�Brešić, Vinko (ur.) 2014. „Ivana Brlić-Mažuranić: Bibliografija“. Slavonski Brod .
Aguilera, Elvira Camara, 2008. „The translation of proper names in children's literature. Ef@bulations/ E-f@bulacoes. http://ler.letras.up.pt/uploads/ficheiros/4666.pdf (pristup
1. travanj 2016.)
Coillie, Jan Van and Walter P. Verschueren. 2006. „Character Names in Translation“in
Children's Literature in Translation.Manchaster, UK; Kinderhood, US: St. Jerome
Publishing
Fernandes, Lincoln. 2006. „Translation of Name sin Children's Fantasy Literature: Bringing
the Young Reader into Play“ in New Voices in Translation Studies 2.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237246131_Translation_of_Names_in_Ch
ildren's_Fantasy_Literature_Bringing_the_Young_Reader_into_Play_i(pristup 25.
ožujka 2016.)
Muhamedagić, Sead.2003. Prevođenje kultura, Zagrebački prevodilački susret, Zagreb:
Društvo hrvatskih književnih prevodilaca, 2005. (Zagreb: Gandalf)
Schleiermacher, Friedrich. 1963. „Uber die verschieden Methoden des Uebersetzens“(On the
Different Methods of Translating“, translated by: Waltraud Bartscht.
https://www.scribd.com/doc/156593573/Friedrich-Schleiermacher-On-the-DifferentMethods-of-Translating (pristup 25. ožujka 2016.)
Šmidt Pelajić, Iris. 2015. „Kako likove romana o šegrtu Hlapiću zovu čitatelji njemačkoga
govornog područja“ u: zbornik radova: „Šegrt Hlapić“ Od čudnovatog do čudesnog,
Zagreb – Slavonski Brod, 2015. str. 349-367.
�
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3272
Title
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Anthroponyms of the fairy tale Kako je Potjeh tražio istinu by Ivana Brlic-Mazuranic and aspects of their translation in target language texts
Author
Author
Vidiček, Biljana
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
It is the general opinion that translation of literary works should be transparent and in the spirit of the original. The same applies for translation of personal names as one of particularities of a literary work. In addition to identifying protagonists, personal names play important role in their characterization and represent a literary character to the reader in a multilayer manner and in more direct way than in everyday life. Therefore, we believe that translation of personal names in a literary work should earn specifically important place in order to achieve genuine reception with readers of the translated literary work. The objective of this study is to present the results of comparative analysis of personal names of the characters in the Croatian source text, fairytale Kako je potjehtražioistinu and their versions in other target languages. The corpus includes release of all available translations of the fairytale Kako je Potjehtražioistinu(How Quest Sought the Truth) in English, French, Hungarian, German, Italian, Russian, Czech, Danish, Swedish and Ukrainian language printed during the last hundred years,ie of its publication in the collection of children fairytales Price izdavnine (Tales from long ago) until present. With consideration to translating procedures, various translating strategies applied in translation of personal names of the fairytale’s characters into different languages will be compared and highlighted in this study. Cross-cultural and semantic implications of translation choices will be observed and consequent conclusions will be made on extent of their authenticity. Keywords: Tales, translating personal names, translation procedures, comparative analysis
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International Burch University
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2016-05-11
Keywords
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Article
PeerReviewed
PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/fcd9f6784be4feab3fa4629b124f3bb2.pdf
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Using Games in TEFL - A Case Study of “Meša Selimović” Elementary School in
Sarajevo
Alma Žerić
University of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Abstract:
The aim of this study was to examine the use of educational games in teaching English as a
foreign language (TEFL) to young learners. The research was conducted in “Meša Selimović”
elementary school in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The participants were three teachers
of EFL and one third grade consisting of approximately 25 students ages 8-9. The research
conducted proved the hypothesis that using games to teach EFL to young learners is a highly
effective and enjoyable technique of language teaching/learning. The study was conducted in
five stages using both quantitative and qualitative methods of research. The data was gathered
by means of a class observation analysis, students’ poll, teachers’ interview and
questionnaire, and a schoolbook analysis. The principal conclusion of the study is that
educational games are an effective technique of teaching EFL to young learners and that it
offers more positive learning outcomes than negative ones.
Keywords: teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL), English as a foreign language
(EFL), educational games, young learners.
1. Introduction
Children's games are hardly games. Children are never more serious than when they play.
Michel de Montaigne
This paper deals with the research conducted in “Meša Selimović” elementary school in
Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The participants were three teachers of EFL who teach
young learners (ages 7-11) and one third grade consisting of approximately 25 students ages
8-9. The research conducted proved the hypothesis that using games to teach EFL to young
learners is a highly effective and enjoyable technique of language teaching and learning. The
study was conducted in five stages using both quantitative and qualitative methods of
research, including:
-
class observation – observing a third grade EFL class,
game implementation - implementing an educational game instead of the planned
activity,
students’ poll - the students answered a short poll concerning educational games,
teachers’ questionnaire and interview - the EFL teachers answered a few questions
dealing with using games in EFL classrooms, in written form, and as a short interview,
1
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schoolbook analysis – the analysis of the schoolbooks and workbooks used in this
elementary school.
Games used for TEFL must be educational and the pedagogical value of games always has to
be their most important aspect (Carvalho and Schwertner, 2008). All the stages of the study
confirmed the hypothesis that games that have educational goals and objectives are an
excellent technique when it comes to TEFL to young learners, i.e. students between the ages
of seven and eleven.
2. The class observation
Classroom observation was utilized in this study to explore the nature of classroom
interaction and how it is affected by language games. This classroom observation was of a
non-participant type; no part was taken in any activity by the observer. The observation form
was the lesson plan which was analyzed during the observation to determine the frequency of
using games and game elements in primary EFL. The data was collected through note taking
during the whole period. The class observation conducted was in a third grade EFL classroom
with the subject being eighteen students ages 8-9. The teaching unit was ‘Where is the ball?’,
from the book Family and Friends 1. The aims and objectives of the class were to improve the
students’ skills, listening, speaking, reading, and the main one, vocabulary. The students were
to learn five new words (seesaw, slide, net, swing, tree).
The introductory part of the class was a game, to repeat the previous lesson “Peoples’ jobs”.
The teacher showed the students flashcards with different occupations and asked them to
repeat them with her. She introduced the game and explained the rules to the students. Three
students were given a job-flashcard each, and the other students had to guess what the
flashcard occupation was. After this, she asked three volunteers to come to the blackboard and
handed them the flashcards after which the other students started guessing the hidden
occupation. The students seemed to respond well to the activity, they were all engaged and
interested. After this, approximately 7 minute-long game activity, the teacher continued the
lesson as planned using activities that involved playing a record, using posters and the
blackboard along with the exercises from the schoolbook.
The following remarks and conclusions were drawn from the class observation:
Even though not all activities can be games, most of the lesson, activities and
exercises had some aspects of games. The game activity portion of the lesson
took up about 16% of the class period. However, game elements were not
excluded from the other activities and exercises. Flashcards, song, rhyme,
repetition and posters were present during the whole lesson. The schoolbook,
Friends and Family 1, comes with a lot of these additional materials.
Through different sensory inputs (pictures and sounds) students were acquiring
new information indirectly while the needs of different learning styles were
being met.
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With the dynamics of the game, their limited attention span presented no
problem.
The process of learning was being conducted ‘here and now’. The students
were experiencing the language, that is, learning it within the context of the
game while cooperating in a reduced stress environment.
The class observation showed that students enjoy learning a foreign language through games,
even though not playing during the entire lesson, some aspects of play occur during every
activity. This is enough to prove that games should be, and are, implemented in schools when
teaching EFL.
3. The game implementation
The second class observation was of a participant type; the observer regularly takes
part in the activities. This is done either by assisting the teacher or by leading the whole
activity. During the second class observation, with the same class, in agreement with the
teacher, the final part of the lesson was replaced with an educational game The unit was the
same as the class previously observed, and the lesson was “Presentation and describing
position using in, on, under”. The introduction and the main part were once again intermittent
with elements of playing and games. The game in the final part was a way of repeating and
confirming the new information that the students have acquired during that class.
The game was memory cards. This game activity took about 11% of the entire period. The
students were introduced to the rules of the game after which they were divided into small
groups (approximately three students per group). Then each group was given a set of twelve
cards, six cards had pictures of objects in, on or under certain things, and the other six cards
had phrases describing the pictures. Each student could turn over two cards in one turn, and
this goes on until they find a matching pair of pictures and phrases. During the game itself,
the teacher observes the students by going from group to group to see how they are doing and
assists them if any help is needed. When all cards have been paired, the students read the
phrases and show the pictures that the phrases represent. The objective of the game is to pair
up all the cards. In doing so, the students practice the newly acquired material; in this case,
how to describe positions using in, on and under.
The following are the conclusions drawn from the game implementation:
The students enjoyed the activity, they understood the rules with no problems
and worked well in groups.
They were motivated to do the activity and the learning process since the game
was an enjoyable way of practicing the new material.
All the benefits of using games that were noted during the game activity of the
first class observation reappeared during this activity without any major
challenges appearing.
Some students did not understand the rules at the very beginning of the
activity. This problem was dealt with by the teacher explaining the rules again
individual, group by group or even by the students helping one another.
3
�
The noise factor did not present a problem, and since this was an activity
conducted in the final part of the lesson there was no need to calm the students
down and get them to continue with the lesson.
The game had visual and auditory elements, with the kinesthetic elements
somewhat lacking. However, the students were standing around their tables
and this made for a dynamic atmosphere.
All in all, different learning styles’ needs were met and the game proved to be a great way in
which to repeat the new material.
4. The students’ poll
The poll for the students was comprised of eight questions, with twenty-five third
grade student respondents; the same students with whom the first two stages of the study were
conducted with. A three-point scale (yes, sometimes, no) was presented in the research to
survey the respondents’ opinions on the subject of educational games in primary EFL. The
aim of the poll was to find out what type of games are mostly used in schools, and what type
of games the students prefer. Responses to each item on the questionnaire survey were
converted into percentages and presented in Table 1 for the purpose of analyzing and
interpreting the results. In the first seven questions, the students were supposed to answer by
circling yes, sometimes or no. In addition, with the intention to find out the students’ favorite
and most common game activities, one more question without choices was set. The poll was
administered after the second observation class. The results reveal the students’ attitudes
towards games and using them in an educational EFL context. The poll questions were
designed on the basis of the learners’ characteristics; with the goal of determining the
presence of games that suit different learners’ needs.
Table 1: The students’ poll results
YES
SOMETIMES
NO
1. I like to play games.
88%
12%
-
2. We play games in EFL classes.
3. We play games with pictures and posters.
4. We play games with song and rhyme.
5. We play games with movement.
6. We play games in groups and/or pairs.
7. I like to play games in school.
24%
32%
40%
20%
44%
84%
8. My favorite game is…
52%
40%
20%
24%
40%
12%
TPR 28%
Visual games 24%
Video games 24%
All games 16%
Auditory games 4%
Cooperative games 4%
24%
28%
40%
56%
16%
4%
The following conclusions were drawn from the analysis of the students’ polls:
4
�
In the first question, do they like playing games, 88% of the students answered with
the expected yes, and only 12% with sometimes. This high percentage is reasonable if
we take into consideration the benefits of games, from the general enjoyment and
excitement that they create, to their motivating aspect. It comes as no surprise that
young learners like games.
When asked if they played games often in EFL classes 24% answered with yes, 24%
with no, and 52% with sometimes. This percentage might come from the fact that
conventional games with rules and objectives are not implemented during lessons.
The following four questions explore which types of games are used most often; when
taking into consideration students’ differences. As far as playing games in which
pictures and posters occurred, 32% answered with yes (yes signifying that they play
such games often), 40% with sometimes, and 28% with no. Games with song and
rhyme occurred similarly, with the answers being 40% yes, 20% sometimes and 40%
no. Games that involve some movement occurred the least, with 20% answering yes,
24% sometimes, and 56% no. Most, 44%, said that they do play games in groups and
pairs, 40% said sometimes, and only 16% said no. The results show that different
types of games are implemented.
Finally, a majority of students, 84%, said that they enjoy playing EFL games in
school, only 12% said that they sometimes enjoyed them, and just 4% did not enjoy
playing games in school.
In the last question, the students were supposed to write their favorite games. TPR
games, games with pictures and computer games were the highest ranking with each
being almost equally popular among the students. 28% of students preferred TPR
games (e.g. hide and go seek), 24% preferred games with pictures, and 24% preferred
computer games (these would also be Play Station, Nintendo, and similar games).
16% of students have no games that they prefer in particular, and only 4% prefer
games with songs. 4% of students wrote that they like any game that involves
cooperation (i.e. group, pair work).
The results of this poll show that a majority of students find learning through games to be a
fun and enjoyable process.
5. The teachers’ questionnaire and interview
The instrument used in this part of the study was a survey questionnaire about
participants’ perspectives on the use of educational games in EFL lessons. As far as the
teachers’ questionnaire and interview are concerned, the results were similar to those of the
students, all parties in question seem to appreciate the value of games in education. The three
teachers of EFL were given a questionnaire comprised of eight questions and a short
interview to elaborate some of their answers. They were asked to reflect upon their own
experience when using games in an EFL classroom. The focus in this part of the study was to
find out what benefits and challenges the teachers might come across when they use
educational games, what type of games they prefer and their most common sources of games.
5
�The aim was to find out what do teachers in primary schools, who have experience in using
EFL games with young learners, have to say about that subject.
The questionnaire shed some light on the teachers’ attitudes towards EFL educational games
and their application in primary schools. The eight questions, that is, teachers’ answers are
analyzed in the following part of the paper. The analysis shows the following:
1. When asked to explain educational games and how they perceive them, the teachers in the
primary school in question all considered educational games to be an enjoyable way of
learning EFL, and also a very useful tool for building and developing different language
skills.
2. When it comes to them using games and how often they use them, the teachers stated that
they implement games in their class schedule as often as they can, depending on the
curriculum and the time that they have at their disposal, especially with young learners (older
student are said to be a bit more disruptive when it comes to playing games in the classroom).
3. As far as the benefits of using games are concerned, the ones that were stated by the
teachers were some of the benefits previously mentioned in the paper, and they are that any
work can be made interesting, and also that games stir the students’ curiosity, natural for
young learners, when it comes to learning a foreign language.
4. Concerning the possible problems, they believe that any potential problems can be avoided
if the game is well planned, although sometimes it is hard to focus the students away from the
game and back to ‘regular’ schoolwork.
5. When dealing with learner differences, one teacher stated ‘It is beyond doubt that
educational games bring students together’, and since students generally like learning together
and through games, it makes the teachers’ job somewhat easier.
6. Teachers usually use modified games (they either modify them themselves or get them
from other teachers), they only sometimes use existing games (i.e. from schoolbooks) or make
up their own games.
7. When asked which games they and their student prefer the teachers answered with the
traditional games; games with commands, like Simon says, and vocabulary games, like
Hangman.
8. When they use games in their classroom they receive positive reactions from their students.
Basically, the teachers all agreed that educational games, when used wisely, are an excellent
technique for teaching a foreign language.
The major conclusions drawn from the questionnaire analysis, on the whole, provided
encouraging evidence to indicate that:
The teachers generally appreciate the benefits and value of using games as
foreign language learning activities.
The teachers agree that games motivate students to become effective
communicators in the foreign language, in this case, English, and help them
use the language in a more spontaneous and natural manner.
Moreover, they believe that games are particularly suitable for most students at
the primary level who have a shorter attention span since the nature of games
which provides joy, excitement and amusement can hold the students’
attention and create an enjoyable learning experience. This is important since
learners should feel comfortable with each other, confident in themselves and
6
�
focused on the language lesson rather than on other distractions (Wright,
Betteridge, and Buckby, 2005).
The findings also suggested that when facing students with different learning
styles, needs, and expectations, teachers should take the learners’ individual
variations into account and be more flexible in their use of educational games
in order to maximize the educational effects.
6. The schoolbook analysis
The schoolbook analyzed in this study is the 2011 edition of the Oxford University
Press’ Family and Friends 1 by Naomi Simmons. This 120-page schoolbook is comprised of
fifteen units, plus an additional starter unit. After every three units there is a review part, in
total there are five of these. There is also a section on the Bosnian and Herzegovinian culture,
a word list, and a grammar reference. Each of the fifteen units has six lessons, and they are
words, grammar, song, phonics and skills (reading, listening, speaking, and writing). The
textbook itself offers no games. However, it comes with additional material that is made up of
posters, cards, and similar helpful props, so that there are some elements of games.
All the units in the schoolbook are designed in the same way, with each having six lessons
with similar tasks and exercises. The unit analyzed in this study is Unit 5 “Where’s the ball?”,
since this was the unit from the lessons of both of the observed classes.
The first lesson in each unit is words. Students are presented with new words in the
form of pictures with the words themselves being written underneath. After that, they
have a colorful comic where the new words are contextually used. With apparently no
games, a teacher can easily make this part into a game by having groups of students
act parts of the comic trying to guess which group represents which picture.
The second lesson is grammar, in this case, prepositions in, on, under. Once again, the
teacher can create a short game to practice the new material by having the students
place certain objects (i.e. pens) in, on and under something and have the students
guess what the object in question is.
Lesson three is a song. Students can be asked to sing the song and try to act it out.
This is a fun and playful activity.
Lesson four is phonics. This lesson has a game-like activity where the students listen
to the sounds and join the letters to guess, in this case, what the queen has.
Lesson five and six are skills, which can easily be combined with a number of
different games.
All of the activities suggested are easily organized, do not take too much time and are
enjoyable for both the student and the teacher. The colorfully designed units, with many
props, make it easy for a teacher to implement a game activity at any moment of the lesson.
Even though there are no games (with rules and goals), game elements are present throughout.
Since teachers believe in the beneficiary outcomes of using games as a technique of teaching
EFL to young learners they regularly use the additional materials in game-like activities. Each
unit is designed so that it focuses on a certain skill in each lesson. This means that the
7
�teachers can simply follow the textbook, thus making sure all the skills are taught, and by
adding the materials already provided they implement games as well.
7. Conclusion
The study conducted for the purposes of this paper proved that games are, and should
be, used when teaching EFL to young learners. The class observations showed that teachers
often use games with young learners, and besides that, most of the lesson segments have some
aspects of games. The young learners responded well to EFL educational games used in the
classroom. The students’ poll results proved that, from the perspective of the students’,
educational games are more than welcome; they prefer games that are active and require some
movement. Teachers share this enthusiasm with their students. However, besides the benefits,
they recognized some of the possible downsides as well. Every technique has both praise and
criticism. This is especially true for engaging activities and techniques such as educational
games since many unexpected situations can arise when working with young learners.
However, a well-prepared teacher should be able to keep the activity under control. The
schoolbook mentioned has no games in specific, it did, however, contain many game and play
elements. When all the segments of the research are taken into consideration, dynamic
activities that serve an educational purpose do seem to be a favorite among both the students
and the teachers.
Educational games used in EFL with young learners create an environment in which the
participants are active and engaging, a learner-centered teaching approach. On the other hand,
games are centered on communication. Young learners emerge themselves in the world of
playing and games; their thinking is stimulated, they are motivated to learn and they do so by
cooperating with other learners and the teacher as well. All of the advantages that educational
games offer make them ideal for teaching EFL to young learners in primary schools. When all
of this is taken into consideration, from the theoretical to the practical application of games,
one does conclude that they truly do deserve to play a major role in any primary classroom.
References:
Carvalho, Tatiana, and Schwertner, Michael. (2008). Play and games: learning and having
fun. Edipucrs: Portoalegro.
Harmer, Jeremy. (2001). The practice of English language teaching (3rd ed.). Harlow:
Pearson ESL.
Lewis, Gordon, and Günther Bedson. (1999). Games for children. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Pinter, Annamaria. (2006). Teaching Young Language Learners. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Sandford, Richard, and Williamson Ben. (2005). Games and Learning. Futurelab: Bristol.
Simmons, Naomi. (2010). Family and Friends 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wright, Andrew, David Betteridge, Michael Buckby. (2006). Games for Language Learning.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
8
�
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Extent
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3271
Title
A name given to the resource
Using Games in TEFL - A Case Study of “Meša Selimović” Elementary School in Sarajevo
Author
Author
Žerić, Alma
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
The aim of this study was to examine the use of educational games in teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL) to young learners. The research was conducted in “Meša Selimović” elementary school in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The participants were three teachers of EFL and one third grade consisting of approximately 25 students ages 8-9. The research conducted proved the hypothesis that using games to teach EFL to young learners is a highly effective and enjoyable technique of language teaching/learning. The study was conducted in five stages using both quantitative and qualitative methods of research. The data was gathered by means of a class observation analysis, students’ poll, teachers’ interview and questionnaire, and a schoolbook analysis. The principal conclusion of the study is that educational games are an effective technique of teaching EFL to young learners and that it offers more positive learning outcomes than negative ones. Keywords: teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL), English as a foreign language (EFL), educational games, young learners.
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International Burch University
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2016-05-04
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The importance of being critical – Polish EFL teachers' beliefs and practices
Author
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Cierpisz, Agata
Abstract
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Sooner or later, countries like Poland will have to welcome immigrants from the Middle East and successfully communicate with the immigrants from different cultural backgrounds. I would like to argue that critical cultural awareness proves to be a cornerstone of the model of Intercultural Communicative Competence (Byram, 1997) and should be considered a prerequisite for developing the rest of the components comprising the model. The main aim of the present research paper is to investigate, analyse and discuss Polish EFL teachers' beliefs on the idea of including critical cultural awareness, a crucial component of intercultural competence, in the EFL lessons, teachers' teaching practices with reference to developing particular elements of intercultural competence in the EFL lessons and the possible discrepancies between their beliefs and practices. A questionnaire administered to 125 Polish EFL teachers and a case study of three practitioners, who were observed, interviewed and confronted in a focus-group discussion, were used to collect the relevant data. The results of my research study suggest that a lot of Polish EFL teachers declare that they consider Byram's intercultural communicative competence model (Byram 1997) relevant to foreign language teaching and learning in the present-day and seem to be willing to implement it in their lessons, yet many of those teachers appear not to prioritize intercultural competence in their teaching practice. This apparent discrepancy between language teachers' beliefs and their practices may stem from teachers' lack of sufficient intercultural training during their professional education. A need for implementing critical cultural awareness into the pre-service teacher trainings was identified. Keywords: intercultural competence, critical cultural awareness, EFL teaching and learning
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International Burch University
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2016-05-02
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PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e75938e86f549c6600f6a21b8326780f.pdf
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Cognitive Mechanisms of Word-formation Process:
Interrelation of Conceptual and Verbal Structures
Shahriyor Safarov & Azamat Akbarov
Samarkand State Institute of Foreign Languages, Uzbekistan & International Burch
University, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Abstract:
This article deals with the peculiarities of mechanisms providing formation of semantics of
compound words from the perspective of the cognitive approach. More to the point, it is a
question of conceptual derivation, where meaning formation of compound words is carried
out by the interaction of its component conceptual structures. The author has researched the
main means which take part in the processes of conceptual derivation of both structurally
motivated and structurally unmotivated compound words. Special attention is given to
revealing the propositional structures correlated with the word formation meanings of
compound words.
Keywords: word-formation, conceptual derivation, cognitive mechanism, perspectivization,
compositionality.
1. Introduction: Cognitive View of Knowledge Representation
The understanding and knowledge of human cognitive abilities has been formulated as
the main task of cognitive linguistics, and performing this task is closely connected with the
concept of knowledge representation, with its one or other structures of consciousness
reflecting the perceived world in the human mind. As is known, the work of the brain and
thinking run through structures of consciousness. This is a kind of revitalization activity, the
combination of verbal with non-verbal structures and the objectivization of both (Croft and
Cruse 2004; Schwarz 1996).
The main difference between cognitive linguistics and traditional linguistics is that the
aim of cognitive linguistics is the investigation of new comprehensions of consciousness and
language interconnection. Therefore, the main goals of the new scientific paradigm (branch)
are to get into forms of various structures of knowledge by language understanding and to
describe the differences between them and language relations. It is obvious that the linguist
cannot and should not assume tasks connected with explaining how the human brain works.
This requires the combined efforts of specialists in different sciences.
At this stage of cognitive psychology, development of the existence of certain structures
of consciousness in the brain has been confirmed and theoretically justified. The range of
variation of these structures is very wide; they are diverse in type and complexity and also in
the interrelationship of experience with language and figurative units. By the statement of
linguists, the main function and role of language in human society is to serve as a means of
cognition, which is understood as the process of getting scientific and everyday knowledge
�about the world ( see, e.g. Kubryakova 2009: 5). Accordingly, the basis of the cognitive
approach to the analysis of linguistic forms is to correlate them with the various forms of
knowledge that those forms objectify. The importance of language structures lies precisely in
the fact that they implement larger structures of knowledge in tangible and accessible form,
putting them in the form of various kinds of linguistic signs that can be closely examined by a
number of cognitive perspectives (Clark, 1997: 210). These mental structures are based on
either concepts of different types (images, notions, concepts), or on their combinations
(pictures, gestalts, charts, scripts, diagrams, propositions, frames, etc.). They are born and
actualized in the process of world perception, and they are created in acts of cognition,
reflecting and generalizing the human experience and reality, which can be conceptualized in
various types of activities related to the world.
This view of conceptual processing relies on the concept as something expressed by an
expression, and in turn determines the object which serves as the denotatum of the
aforementioned expression. (Church, 1985; Raclavsky & Kuchynka, 2011) This is in sharp
contrast with the definition of concepts as predicative functions, (Tichy, 1988) which
although popular for a while, has been largely superseded due to its inability to differentiate
between empirical and non-empirical concepts.
Consideration of linguistic and discursive patterns of representation of cognitive
processes that take place in the thinking process of linguistic personality and its modeling of
the linguistic picture of the world certainly defines the perspective of cognitive linguistics.
According to one of the postulates of cognitive linguistics, language is the closest and most
appropriate means of understanding the human cognitive sphere. However, the language
code, and especially discursive fragment, is not a final and frozen form of verbalization of
cognitive structures. W. Chafe was right with his slogan, “Language is the best window to
knowledge,” but this slogan is only half true if “there are thoughts which are difficult to
express in words” (Chafe 1987:109). I think it would be more accurate to talk about the
stochastic (probabilistic) nature of the representation of mental formations, which themselves
represent stochastic structures. After all, understanding the events taking place in the world,
and indeed the world of concepts where a person lives, is largely conventional.
At the same time, the language always remains as the main code system that embodies
all the results and mechanisms of human cognition, regardless of stochastic character and, at
times, the seeming limitations of this representative potential. And this is probably because,
"Under normal conditions human thought is formulated beforehand on the basis of linguistic
categories or even may be clothed in linguistic forms" (Berestnev 2008: 63). Everything that
has been formed conceptually in the human mind can be expressed by the language and fixed
in it. Conceptual tightness is an important condition of semanticization and verbalization of
acquired knowledge.
Epistemologically, conceptual categories can be traced to the very roots of modern
day science and philosophy. In the philosophy of Ancient Greece, under the influence of
Platonic dialogues, the view of concepts as forms external to the human mind that can be
perceived mainly on a linguistic level has been influential for a considerable period of time.
However, with the introduction of the Aristotelian infinite regress (Mure, 2016), the idea of
isolated conceptual forms is soon abandoned for an internalized view of conceptual clusters.
Field Code Changed
�Ironically, we find this notion of prior epistemological categories in Aristotle’s Posterior
Analytics.
With the seminal work of Kant in the late 18th century, the delineation between a
priori and a posteriori knowledge sharply divides scientific currents. In terms of a cognitive
view of knowledge, we are obliged to classify all formation of conceptual categories as an a
posteriori process, reliant on the experiential interaction of an individual with the world
around them. This experience, as it is represented in modern day cognitive linguistics, forms
the basis of prototypical and stereotypical categories which become one of the more essential
tools in navigating meaning-making and interpretation. Thus, even if human thought is
formulated on the basis of linguistic categories, those categories are a product of all prior
thought formulation that has been salient in terms of frequency and repetitiveness. These
linguistic categories have been subject to quite a lot of research beginning with Rosch in the
1970s. (Geeraertes, 2008) Furthermore, the research has been expanded to encompass the
sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomena, primarily in the work of Putnam (1975)who returns
to a Platonic view of meaning as existing outside of the individual who interprets it.
In terms of the formation of conceptual categories, we follow the structural view of
concepts as derived from the nature of the data at our disposal, which are then listed and
categorized based on semantic constraints and inference rules. This view of categorization
has been purported by a large number of researchers in the past decades. (Smith and Smith,
1977; Kent, 1983; Eick, 1984; Maciaszek, 1986)
Conceptualization is a complex process that requires actualization of not only
linguistic knowledge, but also the entire volume of encyclopedic knowledge of cognitive
personality. In addition, human cognitive activity takes place in the context of a particular
situation and cultural environment, and this will lead to the emergence of a certain kind of
“national color” in the cognitive structures (Safarov 2006: 62-74). Really, conceptualization
represents the many-folded mental activity of a person. It has a dynamic nature and it should
be understood “as subsuming (1) both novel and established conceptions; (2) not just
‘intellectual’ notions, but sensory, motor, and emotive experience as well; (3) apprehension
of the physical, linguistic, social, and cultural context; and (4) conceptions that develop and
unfold through processing time (rather than being simultaneously manifested” (Langacker
2008: 31). Interaction of these categories ensures dynamicity of conceptualization, which
consists of various mental operations around knowledge structures. These operations are
regulated and governed by certain laws. In turn, the regularities of passing process and
systemic relations of the most important operations under the knowledge structures in the
mental space of linguistic personality are represented in the main derivational mechanisms
taking place in the system of language.
2. Conceptual and Verbal Derivation
It is necessary to note that the term "derivation" has different interpretations in
linguistic literature. In most cases, the authors give narrow definitions to derivation as the
process of adding affixes to the stem. In addition to derivation, according to their point of
view, compounding and conversion represent three main types of word formation
(Cambridge Grammar 2002 :1613; Crystal 2008: 138). In a broad sense, derivation is
�understood as the factor of the dynamics of language units, because in the language system
exists self-development potential, which promotes the formation of new semantic and
linguistic constructs. It can be believed that the key of derivative functioning of the linguistic
sign is first of all a dynamic, self-developing, and, most importantly, self-regulating nature of
the individual’s mental sphere, in which the knowledge structures, which are formed as a
result of certain cognitive processes, undergo modification, augmentation, fragmentation,
restructuring, and other changes fixed explicitly or implicitly by the language units.
Moreover, derivation by its linguistic nature may have different forms: word-formative,
semantic, lexical, syntactic, etc., among which a special place should be given to conceptual
derivation, because it is a source of both conceptual and linguistic systems.
At the moment, within cognitive linguistics, special attention is being given to the study
of derivatives because the word-formation system functions not only as a database, which is
necessary for providing needs in selection and fixation of special knowledge structures, but
also works "as a generative environment" (Kubryakova 2004:393). Derivative vocabulary
allows fixing and verbalizing of knowledge structures, which appear in acts of cognition and
world assessment as the result of human conceptual abilities. Internal development of the
conceptual system occurs due to ongoing processes in the system, one of which is a
conceptual derivation. Conceptual derivation represents a cognitive process, which provides
the appearance of a new knowledge structure in the human conceptual system based on
existing concepts. It presupposes that after the concepts in the language, which form the
person’s conceptual system and which has already been in some way named, appear as
backgrounds for their further combination in new mental structures which have new linguistic
meanings. Concepts having been born in the process of cognitive activity, after linguistic
representation, become an integral part of the conceptual system, creating, in turn, the basis
for further development and keeping derivative relations with original structures.
Investigation of the process of conceptual derivation involves description of cognitive
mechanisms, which provide the construction of knowledge structures, objectified by derived
words. It is important to show not only the results of the processes which are carried out on a
conceptual level, the processes that give rise to new knowledge structures, on the ground of
the original structure or structures, but also the realization of these processes in the dynamics,
aided by the description of the mechanisms that lead to the emergence of a new conceptual
structure.
Among the cognitive mechanisms for the formation of the semantics of derivatives that
have been offered are perspectivization, binding, rebuilding, and development. The cognitive
mechanism, perspectivization, assumes the bringing up to the foreground of those sections or
individual characteristics of the concepts related to derivative words that reflect the
information necessary for the formation of the concept which is represented by a derivative
word. The cognitive mechanism, binding, provides either agreement of perspectivized
characteristics of the concepts correlated with generating units, or provides agreement of
rebuilding concepts and concepts which are transmitted by generating words.
The work of the cognitive mechanism, rebuilding, allows the recovery of the features missing
to create the conceptual structure. In its turn, these features correlate with derivative words,
by referring to the cognitive domain to whichreferdomain to which refers specific
characteristics of the concepts, represented by generating or derived words. The work of the
�cognitive mechanism, development, is understood as the emergence of a concept’s new
features or their combinations; in turn, the concept is objectified by a derived word due to
inferential and encyclopedic knowledge.
It will be shown by the help of the above-mentioned mechanisms how knowledge structures,
objectified by compound words, are constructed. Compound words represent concentrated
expressions of human thought where semantic relations exist, marked by elements of
predicativity, which can be classed to the message.
Usually, in the formation of compound words, attention should be focused on generative
stems and meanings correlated with them. The knowledge correlated with generatives (e.g.
nouns) is proposed to consider as a concept consisting of a number of characteristics that
have the following features: centrality, stability/variability, informative significance, and
inferential power. Centrality of characteristics is determined by the degree of its importance
for this mental structure. Immutability of a future reflects the degree of dependence on it all
the internal structures of the concept. For example, a round shape is not the stable, immutable
future of the orange, because our idea about oranges changes little, even if we imagine it in a
somewhat different form. But a round shape is an unchanged, immutable characteristic of the
wheel, and in our mind it can’t be imaged in another form (Sloman, et al. 1998:191).
Features that are unique to a particular category of concepts have a high degree of
informative significance. For example, the fact that the root system exists in the structure of
the concept, "tree," doesn’t have great informative significance. However, even with a low
degree of informative significance, it is a stable characteristic of this mental representation,
since it is impossible to imagine a tree without a branched root system. Inferential potency of
characteristics allows the help of certain features to predict the existence of others in this
concept. It is assumed that central and immutable features, which are reflected in the
dictionary definitions, constitute the core of the concept, represented by a generative noun.
It should be noted that when interpreting the semantics of the derivative word, we are dealing
with compositionality, i.e., with semantic compositionality uniting at least two categorical
meanings, having different degrees of concreteness. Such derivative meaning develops due to
features of combined concepts. The correlation of the concepts involved in the act of
derivation is an indicator of the integration rules of concepts, which are, on the one hand,
determined by the position of the concept’s feature (strong and weak), and, on the other,
stipulate the choice of the model on which develops a compositional meaning. If the feature
of the concept refers to the strong position, it contributes to the fact that this feature of the
concept is relatively stable in the process of semantic attraction, and in the process of
semantic evolution becomes a nuclear component of the conceptual derivation. But, in
various cases, it may be either the feature of the concept characterizing one of the concepts
that structure the conceptual database of derived compositional sign or the feature of the
concept reflecting the fusion of concepts that make up the composite. For example, in the
formation process of the French compound word coupe-cigare which means, “a tool for
cutting cigar tip before smoking," the feature that reflects the method "from top to bottom"
becomes central. The indicated feature "method" correlates with the whole combined sign
(composite), i.e., a cigar cutting is made by the tool, the blade of which moves downward;
thus, guillotine is the subject, which by the method of action is similar to a cigar cutter.
Correlatives of both components are removed from the main member of derivative
Field Code Changed
�combination by "qualifiers" similar to the device that demonstrate darkened motivation of
this composite.
Cognitive mechanisms come into play in the formation of both meanings of either
structurally motivated or structurally unmotivated compound words. In this way, in the
meaning formation of compound nouns such as the English, “flag-captain,” “kneebreeches,” “boatman,”“internet abuse,”“drug-abuse,”“night watch,”“helpline” ; the
Uzbek,“murojoatnoma”(appeal), “toshko'mir” (charcoal), “temiryo'l”(railway); the Tadjik,
“Muboraknoma”(congratulation latter), “simshub” (pole), “mehmonkhona” (sitting room),
etc., are used as cognitive mechanisms for perspectivization, binding, and rebuilding. At that
point, the concept, represented by the second generative noun, which is dominant in the
creation process of the concept, is transmitted by the compound word, undergoes minor
changes. Changes are defined as minor because most central and immutable features of the
concept, transmitted by the second noun, are borrowed from the concept which defines the
semantics of a compound word. That is why such compound nouns are considered to be
structurally motivated.
The role of cognitive mechanisms increases in the formation of structurally-unmotivated
compound words. Formation of these composite meanings is carried out by actualization of
cognitive mechanisms such as perspectivization, rebuilding, development, and conceptual
metaphor and metonymy, and all these can be implemented with the help of either reference
to generative components and the knowledge correlated with them, or by reference to
contextual information. The concept represented by the second component undergoes minor
changes. At the same time, this concept functions in many cases to determine the process of
creating a concept which refers to a compound word. The changes are the result of
accommodation, understood as (after R. Langacker) the adaptation of certain aspects of one
component to the other during the formation of a complex structure(Langacker2002: 272273).The concept transmitted by the second component of the composite undergoes a certain
transformation, where its features will be agreed with features of the concept, correlated with
the first generative component. As a consequence, most central and immutable features of
the concept lose perspectivization.
The above mentioned concepts will be illustrated by the example of ananalysis of the
structurally-unmotivated compound word manflu, in the following context:
“Has Jim taken another day off? I bet he is suffering from manflu” [http://www.urban
dictionary. com].
Dictionary definitions of the second generative noun, “flu, ”are:“an infection, illness like a
bad cold, causing a high temperature, pains and weakness” (OALDCE 1995: 45); “an
infectious disease which is like a bad cold but more serious.”(LDELC1992: 494). These
interpretations reflect conceptual characteristics such as: "illness"; "features: infectious like a
bad cold"; "symptoms: high temperature, pain, weakness." The above mentioned features are
defined as the central ones at the initial stage of meaning formation of the compound word
“manflu” with the help of the cognitive mechanism of perspectivization. Further, under the
influence of these characteristics, steady features of the concept, “man,” such as, "human
being," and "adult," "man" is put into perspectivization. These features begin to link to each
other. Further meaning formation of the compound noun, “manflu,” takes into consideration
contextual information.
Field Code Changed
�Conceptual information, transmitted by the linguistic expressions, “taken another day
off, “and “suffering from,” as well as the consistent characteristics of concepts, refer to the
cognitive domain, diseases, standing behind the concept and correlated with the generative
noun, “flu.”The changeable feature, "wrong diagnosis," is restored in this domain with the
help of the cognitive mechanism, rebuilding. Information, transmitted by linguistic units and
the indicated restored feature, refer to the cognitive domain, male, standing behind the
concept correlated with the generative noun, “man.” Changeable features such as, "the
property of the male character is a tendency to exaggerate seriousness of the disease,” is
restored due to the cognitive mechanism, rebuilding, from the cognitive domain, male.
In the process of further coordination of changeable features with central features of both
concepts, perspectivization and also transformation occur in the concept, correlated with the
generating noun, “flu,” due to accommodation. The central characteristics "features—
infectious"; "causing symptoms—high temperature, pains, weakness"; and "like a bad cold";
lose perspectivization, but the feature, "illness," is borrowed from the concept, represented by
a compound word. Further, the derived concept, on the basis of consistent features, also gets
an ironic connotation as a result of the work of the cognitive mechanism, development. Thus,
the concept correlating with the compound word, “manflu,” in this context includes the
following characteristics: "illness—cold''; “the wrong diagnosis, typical for men"; "perceived
as a flu by virtue of exaggerating the seriousness of disease"; and "ironic attitude." This
concept defines the semantic structure of the compound word, “manflu” as the ironic
connotation, a bad cold, mistakenly self-diagnosed by a man as the flu, whose seriousness is
exaggerated.
Meaning formation of exocentric structurally-unmotivated compound nouns such as the
English, “boozehound,” “buttercup,” “climate canary,” “queer-bashing”; the Uzbek,
“tuyaqush,” “mingoyoq,” “sadbarg”; the Tadjik, “sartarosh,” in addition to the abovementioned mechanisms, involves the work of the cognitive mechanisms, conceptual
metaphor and conceptual metonymy. The cognitive mechanism, conceptual metaphor, is the
finding of the source areas and the target areas of metaphorical transfer. It also demands
identification of features in both areas, which allows the establishment of similarities between
identified areas and specific arrangement (combination) of features of both areas. The
cognitive mechanism of "conceptual metonymy" supposes access to the cognitive domain, in
which the metonymic transfer, determination of the concept instrument, the concept aim, and
comparison and perspectivization of part to indicate the whole take place. Reference to the
context and information transmitted by it, especially in the process of meaning formation of
structurally-unmotivated compound words, is important, because information transmitted
exactly by the context helps to determine the target area of metaphorical projection and the
concept aim of the metonymic model.
3. Conclusion
The analysis of the semantic structure of composites showed that the construction of
knowledge, objectified by composites, requires consideration of cognitive mechanisms which
provide the generation of new conceptual structures based on already existing ones and
determine the meaning formation of compound words. It allows us to show not only the
�results of the conceptual derivation, i.e. conceptual structure which has arisen as a result of
interaction of original conceptual structures or due to the development of the original
structure, but also the process of its creation. Therefore, moving from a static description of
word-formation processes at the conceptual level to the dynamic requires description.
The dynamic aspect of the language is the most promising area of study, as in this section
we can identify the models and structures that are the basis in the process of language units’
evolution. Also, we can predict the direction of their future development and answer the
question, “Why?" in certain circumstances when one or another direction of semantic
evolution has been chosen. In this regard, the study of the semantic formation of a derivative
word gains special importance, because such analysis provides some sense of how semantics
are formed by its parts. Investigation of the dynamic aspect of word formation allows us to
see possible ways of explaining the combinability of units within the derived word, on the
one hand, and the combinability of units derived from the words, on the other. Thus, this
cognitive approach to language phenomena, and, in particular, to word-formation, lets us
represent this well-known language phenomenon in a new light, reflecting the process of
language understanding and interpretation of its units in our minds.
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�
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Title
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Cognitive Mechanisms of Word-formation Process: Interrelation of Conceptual and Verbal Structures
Author
Author
Safarov, Shahriyor
Akbarov, Azamat
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
This article deals with the peculiarities of mechanisms providing formation of semantics of compound words from the perspective of the cognitive approach. More to the point, it is a question of conceptual derivation, where meaning formation of compound words is carried out by the interaction of its component conceptual structures. The author has researched the main means which take part in the processes of conceptual derivation of both structurally motivated and structurally unmotivated compound words. Special attention is given to revealing the propositional structures correlated with the word formation meanings of compound words. Keywords: word-formation, conceptual derivation, cognitive mechanism, perspectivization, compositionality.
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International Burch University
Date
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2016-04-29
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/1bfd5834748dbad4b945b9771dccf398.pdf
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Netspeak: Linguistic Properties and Aspects of Online Communication in
Postponed Time
Sanel Hadžiahmetović Jurida & Mirza Džanić & Tanja Pavlović & Alma Jahić &
Jasmina Hanić
University of Tuzla
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Abstract:
In the context of English as a global language, and Netspeak as a new electronic medium of
communication, the present paper examines the linguistic properties and distinctive features of online
communication in postponed time, bearing in mind that synchronicity is one of the dimensions upon
which electronic communication can be categorised. This corpus-based study, for which data were
collected from several Internet sites, places particular focus on the features of English used in
asynchronous settings. The analysis, based on the model proposed by David Crystal (2001), portrays a
number of highly distinctive features of Netspeak, proving an immense impact of thethis type of
commucniation in terms of graphology (emoticons, punctuation) and the lexicon (blending,
compounding), these being areas where it is relatively easy to introduce both innovation (nonce
formation and other ludic Netspeak extensions) and deviation (abbreviations, acronyms).
Keywords: Netspeak, Internet, asynchronus settings, distinctive linguistic features, synchronicity
Introduction
The paper examines the linguistic characterictics and distinctive features of online
communication in postponed time, in the context of English as a global language, and
Netspeak as a new electronic medium of communication. Considered to be a relatively largely
unexplored area, the brand new medium of communication labelled Netspeak is closely
related to the Internet, whose dominant effect in everyday lives, on the other hand, is fast
growing. The paper further examines and describes some distinctive features of Netspeak,
primarily on the lexical and orthographic levels, highlighting its innovative nature given that,
�according to Crystal (2001: 91), the most general features of Netspeak distinctiveness are
currently found chiefly in graphology and the lexicon, these being the levels of language
where it is relatively easy to introduce both innovation and deviation.
The Internet1 has undoubtedly appeared almost from nowhere to take a rather important role
in our lives. Computers have undoubtedly changed the way people communicate with one
another. An increasing number of people throughout the world heavily rely on the World
Wide Web as the primary source of information on various enquiries. Electronic
communication, also referred to as computer-mediated communication (CMC) has become a
vastly popular means of communication. Online chatting has, in the recent years, become
extremely popular.
Crystal (2001) argues that Netspeak is a radically new linguistic medium. The nature of the
impact which the Internet is making on the English language has not been thoroughly
investigated since the emergence of the Internet. It is only in the most recent years that this
area has become popular.
A starting point in my deliberations is the approach taken by Crystal (2001), who argues that
‘Netspeak’ is actually a radically new linguistic medium. According to Crystal (2001: 24), the
fact that the Internet is an electronic, global, and interactive medium is crucial for the kind of
language used on the Internet. The term Netspeak serves as an alternative to terms such as
Netlish, Weblish, Internet language, cyberspeak, electronic language, computer-mediated
communication, etc. Both Netlish and Weblish can be said to have been simply derived from
English, ‘electronic discourse’ highlights the interactive nature of Internet dialogues, while
‘computer-mediated communication’ focuses on the medium itself. As a term, Netspeak joins
the club of to-be famous ‘-speaks’ such as Newspeak, Oldspeak, Doublespeak, Royalspeak
1
Capitalised 'I' in the word Internet shows the significance of the new medium.
�and Blairspeak, while as a name, Netspeak is believed to be functional enough, as long as it is
borne in mind that ‘-speak’ here actually involves both writing and speaking, as well as the
receptive elements of listening and reading.
Figures 1 and 2 below provide an overview of the top ten language in the Internet (as at 30
June 2015), and the total number of Internet users, estimated at some 3.2 billion. Other
significant factors include the fact the total number of native English speakers in the world is
about 340 million, and that English is spoken as a second language by almost 510 million
people around the world (according to Ethnologue, 2015, 18th edition), all of whom make
their contributions to the Internet in their own language as well as in English.
However, English is said to have the richest technical vocabulary of any language (largely
because native and non-native speakers alike use it to communicate technical ideas).
Figure 1. Top Ten Languages in the Internet
�As it can be observed from the figures provided above, the current language distribution of
the languages on the Web is as follows:
1. English
26.0%
2. Chinese
21.5%
3. Spanish
7.5%
4. Arabic
4.8%
5. Portuguese
4.0%
6. Japanese
3.5%
7. Russian
3.2%
8. Malay
2.9%
9. French
2.8%
10.German
2.6%
All the rest:
21.2%
Top Ten Languages Used in the Web - June 30, 2015
( Number of Internet Users by Language )
TOP TEN LANGUAGES Internet Users
IN THE INTERNET
by Language
English
Chinese
Spanish
Arabic
Portuguese
Japanese
Russian
Malay
French
German
TOP 10 LANGUAGES
Rest of the Languages
WORLD TOTAL
851,623,892
704,484,396
245,150,733
155,595,439
131,615,190
114,963,827
103,147,691
93,915,747
92,265,199
83,738,911
2,576,501,025
693,989,559
3,270,490,584
Internet
Penetration
(%
Population)
60.9 %
50.4 %
55.5 %
41.5 %
50.0 %
90.6 %
70.5 %
32.7 %
23.9 %
87.8 %
52.4 %
29.6 %
45.0 %
Users Growth
in Internet
(2000 - 2015)
Internet Users
% of World
Total
(Participation)
505.0 %
2,080.9 %
1,248.4 %
6,091.9 %
1,637.3 %
144.2 %
3,227.3 %
1,539.0 %
669.0 %
204.3 %
768.2 %
980.6 %
806.0 %
Figure 2. Number of Internet Users by Language
26.0 %
21.5 %
7.5 %
4.8 %
4.0 %
3.5 %
3.2 %
2.9 %
2.8 %
2.6 %
78.8 %
21.2 %
100.0 %
World
Population
for this
Language
(2015 Estimate)
1,398,277,986
1,398,335,970
441,778,696
375,241,253
263,260,385
126,919,659
146,267,288
286,937,168
385,389,434
95,324,471
4,917,732,310
2,342,888,808
7,260,621,118
�In other words, interpreting the data above, there are 851.6 English speaking people using the
Internet, this represents 26.0% of all the Internet users in the world. The number of English
Speaking Internet Users has grown 505.0 % in the last fifteen years (2000-2015).
Crystal (2001: 2f) states that the Internet is an association of computer networks with
common standards which enable messages to be sent from any central computer (also known
as host) on one network to any host on any other. It was first developed in the 1960s in the
USA as an experimental network which quickly grew to include military, federal, regional,
university, business, and personal users. Nowadays, the Internet is the world’s largest
computer network, with more than 100 million hosts connected by the year 2000. The Internet
provides an increasing range of services and enables vast numbers of people to be in touch
with each other all over the world through electronic mail (e-mail), discussion groups, chat
rooms etc. There is a wide range of services available, starting from following daily news,
looking at advertisements of any sort, via electronic shopping, to spending your time in the
virtual world, chatting with people on the opposite side of the planet. A new term has been
coined to represent the notion of everything available on the Internet – cyberspace, the space
that could be best described as all-in-one; the television, the telephone, the telegraph etc.
The present study looks at the ways in which the nature of the electronic medium and the
global use of the Internet are having an impact on the English language. Crystal argues (2001:
5) that the electronic medium presents us with a channel which at the same time facilitates
and constraints the human ability to communicate in ways rather different from any other
situations. This paper will give a brief introduction to chatgroups and the language of
chatgroups. More specifically, it will focus on some of its major innovative features found in
online chatgroup communication in postponed time (asynchronous).
�The Study, the Corpus and the Methodology
The study is based on Netspeak as a brand new electronic medium of communication. It
examines the linguistic properties and distinctive features of online communication in
postponed time (the language used in online forums or discussion boards) and highlights
particular functionally distinct elements that constitute an online forum thread. Finally, the
study describes the distinctive features primarily on the lexical and orthographic levels,
highlighting its innovative nature.
The data for the study were collected from naturally occuring sources (the Internet). As this
study is a part of the author's broader study on Netspeak, data collection for this study was
done within a project including fellows from the English Department and a number of senior
students majoring in English. The data were collected from the messageboard available on
www.escnation.com. The data were relatively easy to collect as they were available in a large
number of public venues, not requiring any special permission to be used (free access to
various Internet sites). A number of samples were identified, downloaded into personal
computer and an analysis of linguistic elements was made.
This is deemed particularly important as it allows the researcher to have access to the
electronic discourse, and consequently copying the text by marking it with a mouse and then
copying. The copied text was then pasted in a Microsoft Word document and saved into own
computer (for frequency counts to be made).
The corpus included a total of 60 chat samples collected from the online communication
in postponed time on the message board, comprising a total of 8,3250 words.
�Chatgroups
Chatgroups are organised at particular Internet sites in the so-called ‘rooms’ in which
computer users with an interest in a particular topic or topics can freely participate thus
contributing to ongoing discussions on particular topics. These are continuous discussions,
and Crystal divides them into two situations relating to chatgroups, depending on whether the
interaction between computer users takes place in real time (synchronous) or in postponed
time (asynchronous). Considering that synchronicity is one of the dimensions upon which
electronic communication can be categorised (Baron, 2008: 11), the present paper examines
the linguistic properties and distinctive feattures of online communication in postponed time,
as stated earlier.
Furthermore, Freiermuth (2001) adds that the physiological mechanisms of online chatting are
identical to those required for keyboard skills; dexterity, speed and precision are assets.
Naturally, online chatting is different from writing, as it mandates a keyboard, a monitor,
online access and client-server software. He further argues that, to have online chatting one
must have all of these as prerequisite – they cannot be substituted for nor eliminated if
interaction is to occur.
Asynchronous situations: online communication in postponed time
The interaction between users is stored in a particular format, and made available to other
users on their request. Users can hence catch up with the discussion in the postponed time,
adding their comments to any given topic, and are not limited by time. According to Crystal
�(2001: 11), one of the popular features of 1980s computer-mediated communication are the
bulletin boards, which can nowadays be found in the form of discussion forums of various
sorts. Another example is the mailing list, to which users subscribe bearing in mind that all
messages sent in to the list will reach everyone subscribed to the list.
Here is an example of communication in asynchronous Internet situations (from the
messageboard available at www.escnation.com):
Figure 3: Chatgroup communication in postponed time
How things work in postponed online interaction
As it may be observed from this example, a number of chatters are on the same message
board, engaging in the same conversation but not at exactly the same time.
�
The operation mechanism of a group can be summarised as follows:
Group members send (post) their contributions (posts, messages, articles, opinions,
comments, etc.)
The system makes all the messages available to all group members
Messages can be saved, archived, as well as catalogued
Groups are managed either by an individual, referred to as the moderator (editor, listowner, host, postmaster, etc.) or a small team.
Messages are circulated at a relatively high speed (not more than 30 or 60 seconds)
Group members post their replies to topics of their own interests
Other group members may then post their replies to the replies produced by some
other group members
An unlimited number of Internet users, subscribed to a particular Internet site (with the
permission to use the messageboard or not), have access to the messageboard. Messageboards
on various sites are normally organised in a rather practical way, where messages are sorted
out by date, and individual users can freely contribute to any given topic with their own
comments.
Some distinctive lexical features of Netspeak in online communication in postponed time
As has been stated earlier, the term Netspeak is an alternative to many other terms that can be
found in use, such as; Netlish, Weblish, Internet language, cyberspeak, electronic discourse,
computer-mediated communication etc. Its name suggests speaking, but we must remember
that it actually involves writing primarily.
�Here is an illustration of how electronically produced language affects spoken language
(Crystal, 2001):
a. It’s my turn to download now. (i.e. I’ve heard all your gossip, now hear mine)
c. She’s multitasking. (said of someone doing two things at once)
d. Let’s go offline for a few minutes (i.e. let’s talk in private)
f. I’ll ping you later. (i.e. get in touch to see if you’re around)
h. He started flaming me for no reason at all. (i.e. shouting at me)
i. I got a pile of spam in the post today. (i.e. junk-mail)
j. He’s living in hypertext. (i.e. he’s got a lot to hide)
It is evident that it is not possible to say how many of these developments will become a
permanent feature of the language. Language change can never be predicted, but only
recognised once it has happened. Crystal (2001: 22) concludes that a certain notion of
Netspeak has begun to evolve which is rapidly becoming a part of popular linguistic
consciousness, and evoking strong language attitudes. Hence the importance of determining
its main linguistic properties and aspects.
Netspeak can, therefore, be considered an eclectic resource,2 but is arguably more than just an
aggregate of spoken and written features. While Crystal (2001: 48) finds it “a new species of
communication,” Baron (in Crystal, 2001: 48) calls it, metaphorically, “an emerging language
centaur – part speech, part writing.” Crystal goes on to further develop the metaphor to
include “speech + writing + electronically mediated properties.” In fact, Crystal calls
Netspeak a genuine “third medium,” comprising several properties of both speech and
writing, combined with the properties electronic texts display.
2
Davis and Brewer (in Crystal, 2001: 47): Writing in the elctronic medium, people adopt conventions or oral
and written discourse to their own, individual communicative needs)
�According to Crystal (2001: 81), one of the most obvious features of Netspeak is the lexicon
that belongs to the internet. The lexicon is encountered whenever someone enters one of the
Internet situations. Terms traditionally found in technology and computer science, such as
cable, disk, bit, binary, and computer are not part of this lexicon, as they form part of the
jargon of science and technology, extending well beyond the Internet. On the other hand,
there is a large number of words and phrases that have emerged in the realm of Internetrestricted situations and activities in which all major lexical processes in English take place.
Distinctive Features of Netspeak: the Findings and the Results
The analysis of the corpus, based on Crystal's model (2001), hihghlighted almost all of the
highly distinctive features of Netspeak and asynchronous communication. Only five features
were not observed in the corpus: AmE vs. BrE spelling; Prepositional phrases; Participles;
Prefixes; Suffixes.
On the other hand, a total of 45 distinctive features were observed in the corpus, as follows
(all are given here alphabetically, most are simply listed, those in bold are exemplified in the
brackets, whilst others are elaborated on separately in the paragraphs and sections to follow):
Abbreviation and acronyms, Absence of lengthy quotation, Anaphoric cross-reference
between messages, Attributive adjectives, Blends (bottop, netizen, netiquette, cybercide,
bugzilla,
etc.),
Compounds,
Conjoining/coordination,
Contractions
(he’s
happy
misha…looks like we’ll be stuck with the ukrainian frenchie; we wont, cos i dont really speak
it…i understand it), Emotive punctuation (hey!!!!, whadda f...!?!?!), Frequency of it, used to
introduce a personal comment, Frequent perverse spellings and typographical errors
(outta, seemz, cee ya), General feedback reactions found as opening sentences, Grammatical
variation, Identification of message-types generated by the software, Ignorance of
�capitalisation (Vasilis7: if i am what?, Raul-espWiGrBF: i said are u here?are u?),
Innovation, Linking words by hyphens into higher elements (phrases and clauses), Lowercase letters (do you have a citizens advice bureau there?), Members accommodating other
members, thus sharing linguistic character, Messages in capitals are ‘shouting’ (u 2 will I
KNOW U WILL… speak to each other in UA ), Nick-initiated lineation (<Superstar> ),
Non-standard concord between subject and verb, Non-standard spelling (gamez, yup, nope,
phreak, kool, etc.), Omission of a copular verb (i fine), Other ludic Netspeak extensions,
Overwhelming use of the pronoun I, Particular format of a chatgroup message body, Personal
pronoun references, Presence of nonce-formations, Providing opportunity for equal
participation , Punctuation (while Israel was giving votes it sais Urovision in the
background!???!!??), Reliance on private verbs (e.g. think, feel, know), Replacement of a
word-element by a similar sounding item, Several sources of visual distinctiveness
(emoticons, rebus-like abbreviations, colloquial elisions), Short messages, Special fonts and
styles, Substitution of one case form with another, The peer-group factor, The use of
nicknames (Y_not_Chat, Pompompom, groggy, EuCROVision_Man, PaddyD, etc.), Topics
embedded into other topics, Use of nicknames, Use of non-standard formations, jargon and
slang, Word class conversion.
Neologisms
Concerning the emergence of neologisms, a number of patterns have been observed in terms
of prefixation, and suffixation, as well as compounding. The following provides an overview
of some recently observed trends, broken down by several categories:
Compounds
�It is characteristic of Netspeak that in combining two words to make a new compound word,
one element is found repeatedly, as in the following examples:
o mouse: mouseclick, mousepad, mouseover,
but also phrasal verbs: mouse across, mouse over,
o click: click-and-buy, one-click, leftclick, rightclick, double-click
o ware: shareware, groupware, freeware, firmware, wetware
o web: webcam, webcast, webmail, webmaster, webster, webzine, webliography
o net: netlag, netdead, netnews, hypernet, Usenet, Netspeak
o bug: bugtracker, bug fix, bug bash, BugNet
Prefixes
A special set of items is found in use as prefixes or combining forms:
o
cyber-: cyberspace, cyberculture, cyberlawyer, cybersex, cyber rights
o
hyper-: hypertext, hyperlink, hyperfiction, hyperzine
o
e-: e-voting, e-list, e-shop, e-security, e-books, e-managers
Blends
Blends, where part of one word is joined to part of another, are instantiated in examples like:
netiquette, netizen, infonet, cybercide, datagram, Infobahn, Internaut, bugzilla
Blends are typically found in Netspeak as two words of a phrase with parts of both, ordinarily
the first part of the first and the last part of the other. In comparison to clippings and
acronyms, blends can be said to start out as simple abbreviations, but given their appearance
which is more word-alike, they become new words, like in the following example taken from
asynchronous chat:
Belgium 15.. (posteby by tonyvision on 2015-04-18 8:37:24 pm)
o flop top or average? Who came up with this flop top thing?
�
Bottop!! [R] – TomofLondon 2015-04-18 8:39:52 pm
Innovations
Several types of lexical innovations have been observed, too, as follows. The replacement of a
word-element by a similar sounding item, as in:
o ecruiting: electronic recruiting
o etailing: electronic retailing
looks like a special type of blending, heavily relying on subtraction. Further, we note
productive use of word-class conversion, normally from noun to verb, as in:
to mouse, to clipboard, to geek out, to 404
Lexical innovation through unusual spelling
Nicknames that are universally accepted (and are the norm, to a certain extent) can be spelled
in a wonderful and/or weird way, making them special, which at the same time results in a
refreshing of the vocabulary stock. Some examples of nicknames taken from Crystal (2001:
161) include the following:
sleepless, shydude, pilot, Dutchguy, irish, cloudkid, oldbear, bfiancee, Pentium,
pcman, froggy, tulip, BMW, cheese, Godot, BeaMeup, Elvis, Stalin, sexpot,
buttspasm, HITLER, HAMAS,
Nicknames from the corpus this study is based on, as collected from www.escnation.com
include:
Nicks taken from the corpus this study is based on, as collected from
www.esctoday.com: TomTom!, Xplolode EuCROVision_Man, EuroFan, Groggy,
�Impreza, Ivan_macedonian, Le-Royaume-Uni, Nikki, Norwegian, Pompompom,
Superstar, Lalalala, mijumaru, Y_not_Chat, Yiorgos, MindCrush, Sognu in Rewind,
xrate,
Furthermore, these nicknames fall into several categories (taken from the corpus):
Empty: Y_not_Chat, bex, frtk
Sonic: Lalalala, Pompompom, TomTom!, Xplolode
Ludic: Impreza, Groggy, ChreesDoubleyou, MindCrush
Typographically playful: Xplolode, PaddyD, Le-Royaume-Uni, EuCROVision_Man,
etc.
The same respelling tendency frequently produces nonce-formations: grouping words
together into a compound (e.g. what a unifreakinversitynerd), or linking a number of words
by hyphens (e.g. dead-slow-and-stop computer), which may qualify as a conversion from
phrasal bases. These are illustrated in the following asynchronous chat sample:
As serious a question as I’m ever likely to ask – boogwewillallshine – 2015-04-25
6:19:26 pm
MacBos for certain, Turkey most likely, AlbArm maybe, Cyp rather not [R] –
Stefan-LST Trip to Athens – 2015-04-25 6:56: 11pm
macedonia and bosnia…[R] Niall@work! – 2015-04-25 6:56:11 pm
Abbreviations and Acronyms
Netspeak is also quite famous for its variety of abbreviations. Acronyms are quite frequently
used. The acronyms found in various Internet situations are no longer restricted to words or
�short phrases, argues Crystal (2001: 86), and they can be sentence-length: GTG (got to go),
WDYS (What did you say?). Individual words are reduced to several letters: PLS (please),
THX (thanks). Hudson (2000: 242) defines acronyming as “a sort of clipping in which a
phrase is replaced by a word based upon the first letters of its words.” Bauer (1983: 237)
essentially agrees with that definition by saying that:
An acronym is a word coined by taking the initial letters of the words in a title or
phrase and using them as a new word, for example Strategic Arms Limitation
Talks gives SALT.
However, it is not necessarily the case that every abbreviation counts as an acronym: to be an
acronym the new word must not be pronounced as a series of letters, but as a new word.
Bauer (1983: 237) gives the following example here: if Value Added Tax is called /vi: ei ti:/,
that is an abbreviation, but if it is called /væt/, it has become an acronym. It may be noted in
the following example that the use of abbreviations is accompanied with rather emotive
punctuation, as well as emoticons, clearly showing three Netspeak features employed in a
very short chat sample alone.
BTW…the parrot won :) [R] – Tin Tin -2015-09-09 11:01:40 pm
o LOOOL!!!! And presenter? – Frank – 2015-09-09 11:01: 52 pm
The Use of Emoticons
The corpus for this study included a total of 421 emoticons, as shown in Table 1 below. Here
is an excerpt from a chat sample from the corpus, illustrating the use of emoticons:
�
Shame she sang it so terribly [R] – SamB – 20:58:28
OMGWTF? It's the Slovenian flag! [R] – Dagfinn – 20:58:38
o
Gotta love it :D [R] – Sild – 21:00:23
o
Yes, it is the flag reflecting on the song title...'Home is Here' or 'this is
where home is' [R] – JohnS – 21:03:20
Nooooooooo : ( [R] – sellout – 20:58:46
I knew it that this long dress will end up to a disaster : S [R] – Marios – 20:59:06
Source of Internet data
www.escnation.com
Number of words Number of
emoticons
8,3250
421 (5.1%)
Table 1. The Use of Emoticons
The Use of Abbreviations
In the following examples, it may be noted that the use of abbreviations is accompanied with
rather emotive punctuation, as well as emoticons, clearly showing three Netspeak features
employed in a very short chat sample alone. Table 2 below shos the total number of
abbreviations found in the corpus.
BTW…the parrot won :) [R] – Tin Tin -2015-04-09 11:01:40 pm
o LOOOL!!!! And presenter? – Frank – 2015-04-09 11:01: 52 pm
Source of Internet data
Number of
words
Number of
abbreviations
www.escnation.com
8,325
127 (1.5%)
�Table 2. The Use of Abbreviations
Concluding Remarks
The data for this study were collected from naturally occurring sources available from the
Internet site chosen as the corpus for this paper. All data examined in this work were
obtained from the www.escnation.com message board, and were then further analysed,
bearing mind at all times the model used by David Crystal (2001), and starting with most of
his suppositions and claims.
In addition to my overall conclusion that online communication in postponed time
(asynchronous) clearly displays a vast number of distinctive features, here are some of my
other major observations and conclusions:
Vocabulary: Chatters increase variety through the use of creative and highly innovative
language forms; Chatters are limited by their environment; Chatters almost always prefer
colloquial to literary language; Chatters freely reduce multi-word sentences and sequences
of response utterances to a sequence of initial letters: bbfn (bye bye for now).
Grammar: Chatters frequently use comment clauses, introduced with it. Chatters use the
pronoun I without much hesitation, while other pronouns are not as frequent. Chatters
tend not to use copular verbs, with registered cases of no subject-verb agreement.
Spelling: Chatters tend to use less words, and modify spelling as to meet their needs, thus
producing non-standard or perverse spellings. Chatters seem to be aware of the
information value of consonants as opposed to vowels, judging by such vowel-less items
as txt (text), and tmrw (tomorrow). Most chatters comply with the lower-case letters rule;
cases of messages in capitals were registered where chatters were either frustrated over
something or wished to underline their points.
�Punctuation: Chatters tend to use emoticons quite frequently as a way to express their
feelings and attitudes. Chatters use emoticons freely and without much hesitation.
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Internet sources:
www.escnation.com
http://www.internetworldstats.com
www.ethnologue.com/statistics
�
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Netspeak: Linguistic Properties and Aspects of Online Communication in Postponed Time
Author
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Hadžiahmetović Jurida, Sanel
Džanić, Mirza
Pavlović, Tanja
Jahić, Alma
Hanić, Jasmina
Abstract
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In the context of English as a global language, and Netspeak as a new electronic medium of communication, the present paper examines the linguistic properties and distinctive features of online communication in postponed time, bearing in mind that synchronicity is one of the dimensions upon which electronic communication can be categorised. This corpus-based study, for which data were collected from several Internet sites, places particular focus on the features of English used in asynchronous settings. The analysis, based on the model proposed by David Crystal (2001), portrays a number of highly distinctive features of Netspeak, proving an immense impact of thethis type of commucniation in terms of graphology (emoticons, punctuation) and the lexicon (blending, compounding), these being areas where it is relatively easy to introduce both innovation (nonce formation and other ludic Netspeak extensions) and deviation (abbreviations, acronyms). Keywords: Netspeak, Internet, asynchronus settings, distinctive linguistic features, synchronicity
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International Burch University
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2016-04-21
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PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/842d381a8959b461f978446b8e7f8257.pdf
2c577f743b32b1d9c71ea745a3965566
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On conceptual nature of antonymy: Evidence from corpus-based investigations
Nataša Kostić
University of Montenegro, Montenegro
Abstract:
This paper provides an overview of corpus investigations in studying antonymy with an aim
to argue in favour of the conceptual approach to antonymy. Antonymy is considered to play
an important role in organizing languages’ vocabularies. However, there is no consensus in
the literature on the issue of whether antonyms form a set of stored lexical associations (as
the structuralists and the Princeton WordNet model propose), or whether the category of
antonymy is a context-sensitive, conceptually grounded category (as conceptual models of
meaning propose). On the basis of author’s recent investigations of antonymy in Serbian
written discourse, this paper argues in favour of the conceptual approach to antonymy. This
approach predicts a category with a continuum structure, with prototypical antonym partners
as core members, and category members for which a partner is not available in a context-free
environment. The theoretical implication of the investigations presented is that antonymy is
primarily a conceptual relation, based on general cognitive processes.
Keywords: antonymy, cognitive approach, conceptual relation.
1. Introduction
The relation of antonymy is considered to play an important role in organizing
languages’ vocabularies (Cruse, 1986; Fellbaum, 1998; Lyons, 1977; M.L. Murphy, 2003;
Willners, 2001). However, there is no general agreement on the foundation of the relation of
antonymy. There is no consensus in the literature on the issue of whether antonyms form a set
of stored lexical associations, as the structuralists and the Princeton WordNet model propose
(Gross & Miller, 1990), or whether the category of antonymy is a context-sensitive,
conceptually grounded category of which the members form a prototype structure of
‘goodness’ of antonymy, as conceptual models of meaning argue (G.L. Murphy, 2002).
According to the structuralists, language is an autonomous intralinguistic system of relations
between words, organized on the basis of lexical fields (Cruse, 1986). Word meanings are not
treated as psychological units and are not substantial but relational, defined in terms of what
they are not. For instance, long gets its meaning from its relation to short. Antonymy formed
an important part of the structuralist models of meaning (Cruse, 1986; Lyons, 1977), in which
relations such as antonymy are primitives and meanings of words are the relations they form
with other words in the lexical network. The categorization of antonyms often involves the
ascertainment of certain inherent semantic characteristics of pair members, regardless of the
contexts in which they might appear. Theoretical research within the structuralist tradition
has focused on semantic or logically based classifications of antonyms. There are, for
example, semantic opposites that exhaust the scale they refer to (dead/alive,
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�married/unmarried) that are examples of complementary type and are based on the logical
relation of contradiction, and ‘true antonyms’ like hot/cold or long/short that are not mutually
exclusive and, unlike the former type, are gradable and based on the logical definition of
contrariety. Other categories include converse opposition (parent/child, buy/sell), directional
opposition (north/south, come/go), multiple incompatibles (e.g. seasons of the year) and
orthogonal opposition like man-woman-girl-boy where each member of the set is in
opposition with two other members. Structuralist theoretical work on antonymy helps us
perceive the variety within types of semantic oppositions, but it does not try to characterize
antonyms from non-antonyms, nor does it really explain the relation of antonymy.
The lexical, categorical view of antonymy, as proposed by the Princeton WordNet
model (Gross & Miller, 1990), argues that there is the distinction between direct (e.g.
dry/wet) and indirect antonyms (e.g. damp/arid, moist/parched, humid/dried-up, etc.) The
direct antonyms, which are central to the structure of the adjectival vocabulary, are lexically
related, while indirect ones are linked to the direct antonyms by virtue of being members of
their conceptual synonym sets. Psycholinguistic indicators that have been used in the
literature in support of lexical associations between antonyms include the tendency for
antonyms to elicit one another in psycholinguistic tests such as free association (Charles &
Miller, 1989; Deese, 1965; Palermo & Jenkins, 1964) and to identify them as opposites at a
faster speed (Charles, Reed & Derryberry, 1994; Gross, Fischer & Miller, 1989; Herrmann et
al., 1979). The lexical categorical approach considers antonymy to be a lexical relation and
words are either lexical antonyms or not. Antonyms are pre-stored and get their meanings
from the relation of which they are members. This model is context insensitive and static. In
the lexical categorical model different contexts do not affect the antonym, since the antonym
of a word is not determined by context and sense, but is lexically driven. Also, they predict a
definite boundary between adjectives such as heavy that have antonyms and adjectives such
as ponderous that have no antonyms on grounds that are not empirically supported. The main
disadvantage of the structuralist approach to meaning is that it is a static system where
instances of semantic opposition are classified on the basis of the meaning of individual
words, which reflects their semantics but does not say much about the relation itself. In most
of the literature on antonymy within the structuralist tradition there is a lack of empirical data,
and the theory is not capable to explain lexical flexibility which is evident in how antonymy
is used in language.
2. The conceptual approach to antonymy
Literature on antonymy provides ample evidence that the WordNet representation of
antonymy is an over-simplified means to classify antonyms. Herrmann, Chaffin, Daniel &
Wool (1986) argue that canonicity is a scalar rather than absolute phenomenon. In one of
their experiments, Herrmann et al. (1986) asked informants to rate word pairs on a scale from
one to five. From the results of their experiment it emerges that there is a scale of goodness of
antonyms with scores ranging from 5.00 (maximize/minimize) to 1.14 (courageous/diseased,
clever/accepting, daring/sick). Herrmann et al. (1986, p. 134-135) define antonymy in terms
of four relational elements. The first element concerns the clarity of the dimension on which
the pairs of antonyms are based. Their assumption is that the clearer the dimension is the
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�stronger the antonymic relation (e.g. good/bad as opposed to holy/bad). Secondly, the
dimension has to be predominantly denotative rather than predominantly connotative. The
third element is concerned with the position of the word meaning on the dimensions. In order
to be good antonyms the word pairs should occupy the oppostite sides of the midpoint (e.g.
hot/cold) rather than the same side (e.g. cool/cold). Finally, the distance from the midpoint
should be of equal magnitude.
Similarly, Murphy & Andrew (1993) report on results from a set of experiments on
the nature of the lexical relation of antonymy that showed that adjectives are susceptible to
conceptual modification. Like Herrmann et al. (1986), they show that opposition is not a
clear-cut dichotomy, but a much more complicated and knowledge-intensive phenomenon. In
their experiments, antonyms of 14 adjectives from Princeton WordNet were elicited both out
of context and in combination with a given noun. They show that the elicited adjectives were
not the same across the two conditions, which they take to be evidence of the fact that
producing antonyms is not an automatic association but a knowledge-driven process. Given a
specific context, antonym couplings are bound to be stronger and more consistent across
speakers. The conclusion of their study is that antonyms are not lexical relations between
word forms, but they have conceptual basis. In their final discussion, Murphy & Andrew
(1993) raise the question of whether there is a place for lexical relations as proposed by
Princeton WordNet. Their conclusion is that on the condition that the words happen to be
associated, lexical relations may in some cases be pre-stored, but in many other cases they are
not. Some lexical relations may be computed from semantic domains where they have never
been encountered before, which means that pre-stored lexical links may be an important part
of linguistic processing, but they cannot explain the range of lexical relations that can be
construed.
Murphy (2003) proposes to use the terms antonyms and opposites interchangeably,
suggesting that all antonymous pairs share core antonym properties and will be recognized as
such by any native speaker. She takes the position that relations among words are not among
the types of information about words that can be represented in the mental lexicon and
defines her perspective as pragmatic and metalexical. The metalexical approach is based on
the following assumptions: (a) Semantic relations are not relevant to linguistic competence;
(b) they depend upon the contexts in which they occur; (c) they are predictable by means of a
single relational principle (2003, p. 25). Semantic relations between words reflect conceptual
knowledge about words, rather than lexical knowledge of words (Murphy, 2000). Taking into
consideration the properties of paradigmatic semantic relations that she explores in detail
(such as productivity, binarity, variability, prototypicality and canonicity, semi-semanticity,
unaccountability, predictability and universality) Murphy argues for an approach that
accounts for all of the semantic relations, as well as other lexical and conceptual relations.
Antonymy refers specifically to the opposition of words, and opposite applies to any binary
relation. Antonymic relation is defined on the basis of a Relation by Contrast-Lexical
Contrast (RC-LC) principle, which states that “a lexical contrast set includes only wordconcepts that have all the same contextually relevant properties but one” (Murphy, 2003, p.
170). Although the RC-LC defines antonymy, and all other semantic relations, it is
conspicuous that it makes no reference to meaning. This is because the metalexical approach
is pragmatic in nature, and takes into account the fact that in natural language use the number
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�of antonyms of a particular word is greater than in neutral contexts. Murphy (2003, p. 174)
exemplifies this by citing several possible opposites for smooth, depending on what smooth is
describing (e.g. smooth/rough paper, smooth/bumpy journey, smooth/lumpy cake batter,
smooth/grainy, smooth/ridged, smooth/sticky, smooth/difficult, or any other adjective in
contexts in which smooth and that other adjective describe things that are in complementary
distribution). A theory of lexical semantic relations has to be able to account for this
observation. Instead of relying on meaning only, the metalexical approach relies on the
salience and relevance of meaning, which means that the context of communicative use of
language determines the aspects of similarity and difference in a contrast set (Murphy, 2003,
p. 171). Therefore, the particular communicative demands of the context (e.g. collocational
preferences, morphological properties, rhyme, connotation, social register, etc.) are deemed
to be relevant in judging word pairs as antonymous or not. Murphy also admits that there
seems to be a small set of words that are closely liked both semantically and lexically, that
are entrenched in memory and perceived as strongly coupled pairings by speakers. These
pairs are in the literature referred to as canonical antonyms. The opposed pairs that are
acknowledged as antonyms in thesauruses and dictionaries of antonyms (e.g. Room, 1988)
are by some authors (Murphy, 2003; Davies, 2013) considered to be a part of the community
canon. What is missing in theoretical classifications of antonymy is how antonymous pairs
behave in corpora, which record actual language use. Corpus-based approaches to antonymy
are able to provide insights into how antonymy is employed in real language use.
3. Antonymy in language use
According to the syntagmatic approach, the meaning of a word is defined in terms of
the company it keeps in language use, or in terms of the totality of its uses. In this respect, the
syntagmatic approach opened up for new trends in linguistics, namely for usage-based
approaches to lexical semantics where contextual factors and real language use are prime
research objectives for the description of meanings.
Starting from the notion of antonymous pattern, “a formulaic structure in which
certain grammatical and content words systematically house both members of an antonymous
pair” (Kostić, 2011, p. 518), Kostić presented a systematic description of phrasal contexts in
which conventionalized antonyms co-occur in the 23 million Untagged electronic corpus of
the Serbian language. In this study, fifty canonical antonymous pairs (including adjectives,
nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) were pre-chosen, and all the sentences (a total of
4,903) in which these pairs co-occur were analyzed in order to establish the textual function
of the antonymous pair and its lexical and syntactic context. Antonyms in Serbian written
discourse are in almost one half of all the sentences used to signal inclusiveness, i.e. to
indicate the inclusion of the whole semantic dimension which the pair denotes, and the
hallmarks of this use of antonyms are coordinating conjunctions (in antonymous patterns
such as x i y ‘x and y’, x ili y ‘x or y’, i x i y ‘both x and y’, ni x ni y ‘neither x nor y’, bilo x ili
y ‘whether x or y’, x kao i y ‘x, as well as y’), e.g. Ona ne može biti gluplja ili pametnija nego
što smo mi i ne može govoriti istinu ili laž više nego što mi možemo ‘She cannot be more or
less intelligent than we are and cannot say more truths or lies than we can.’ Another major
function of antonyms in Serbian written discourse is to act as lexical triggers of contrast, i.e.
4
�to be attached to another pair of words, phrases or clauses in the same sentence (which are
not usually perceived as semantically opposed), with an aim to generate or enhance a larger
contrast within the sentence, e.g. Njeni predstavnici su malo pričali, a mnogo radili i gradili
‘Its representatives talked little, but did and built a lot.’ These sentences actually contain two
contrasting pairs, and the function of antonyms is to draw the reader’s attention to the second,
more important contrast in the sentence (talked versus did and built in the previous example).
Antonyms function as lexical triggers of contrast in Serbian corpus less frequently than as
signals of inclusiveness, or more precisely in about one-third of all examples. Nevertheless, it
is one of the two most important ways that language users employ antonymy in written
discourse. None of the other four (minor) textual functions of antonymy identified in Serbian
written texts accounts for more than 5% of all examples. These functions are: to mark the
parameters of a distinction, e.g. Odvojiti zdrave banke od bolesnih ‘Healthy banks should be
separated from the unhealthy ones’; to mark the starting and ending points of a change, e.g.
Ovo je proces prelaska sa stare na novu vlast ‘This is the process of transition from old to
new government’; to create comparison along the dimension, e.g. Plavokosa Klobukovska
više muško nego žensko ‘The blond haired Klobukovska is more male than female’; and to
imply mutual exclusivity, e.g. Izručenje će uslediti u kratkom, a ne u dugom roku ‘The
extradition is to happen in a short, not long period’ (Kostić, 2011, p. 526–528). Other studies
on textual functions of antonyms have demonstrated that these functions are widespread in
English (Jones, 2002; Jones & Murphy, 2005; Jones, 2006, 2007; Jones et al., 2007; Murphy
& Jones, 2008) and in other languages, although with some distributional differences
(Murphy et al., 2009 [on Swedish antonyms], Muehleisen & Isono, 2009 [on Japanese
antonyms] and Hsu, 2015 [on Chinese antonyms]).
The observation that antonyms can be used in text either to emphasize the semantic
oppositeness or to annul its existence can, at first sight, be seen as a paradox. However, the
conceptual nature of the antonymic relation and the relational principle Relation by ContrastLexical Contrast can explain why this is possible. If antonymy is by definition the sameness
of contextually relevant properties but for one (contextually relevant) difference, then it is
convenient to use the antonymic relation to focus on either of these two aspects. Contextual
factors play a role in determining what is similar and what is different, but they also play a
role in deciding which of these aspects is to be exploited and focused on in language use. If
antonymy (in the sense of binary semantic contrast between lexical items) can be
conceptually represented as the opposition of poles in a meaning dimension (which is in
accordance with the relational principle RC-LC for the derivability of lexical contrast sets),
then there are two typical intrasentential uses of this relation: either (1) the aspects of
similarity that bind them together are emphasized while the differences are neglected, or (2)
the focus is on the dissimilarities that make the members contrastive while the similarities are
neglected. The typical realization of the first possibility is the function of inclusiveness,
whose primary aim is to annul the differences between antonymous concepts in order to
encompass the whole semantic dimension. Less typical realizations of this possibility are the
use of antonyms to help create comparisons (in which antonymic concepts can be easily
placed along the same dimension according to some comparison criteria) and to mark the
starting and ending points of a change (in which the opposing concepts are connected along
the same semantic dimension by means of a journey metaphor). The typical realization of the
5
�second possibility is the use of antonyms as lexical triggers of contrast, when the contrastive
potential of antonyms (in other words, the opposing poles) is used with an aim to build
further contrastive relations in the given context. Less typical realizations would include the
use of antonyms that marks parameters of a distinction (in which the difference between the
concepts is stressed by emphasizing their oppositeness), and the negation of one member of
the pair to imply mutual exclusivity within the context.
3.1 Derivability of antonymic relation in Ancillary Antonymy contexts
When antonyms are employed as lexical triggers of contrast, their function is to draw
our attention to the more important contrast in the given context, which is why Jones (2002)
proposed to label this textual function of antonyms as Ancillary Antonymy. Sentences in
which the well established antonymous pair is employed to act as a contrast generating device
actually contain two contrasting pairs (e.g. malo/mnogo ‘little/a lot’ (A-pair) and
pričali/radili i gradili ‘talked/did and built’ (B-pair) in example Njeni predstavnici su malo
pričali, a mnogo radili i gradili ‘Its representatives talked little, but did and built a lot’).
Although the members of the pair attached to the antonymous pair may not possess any
inherent contrast, it is evident that they are in this context interpreted in the same type of
relation as the antonymous pair. Many examples of Ancillary Antonymy sentences testify
that there exists a scale between, at one extreme, pairings that are strongly conventionalized
as antonyms and, at the other extreme, pairings which may be opposable in some contexts
(co-hyponyms and latent co-hyponyms) and pairings for which it is very difficult to think of a
context in which they could be used as antonyms, although those contexts undoubtedly exist.
Consider the following examples, taken from the Serbian electronic corpus:
(1) Sam Milovan Vitezović je za svog junaka rekao da je prezirao smrt, a voleo život,
i da su stranice romana nastale pod sirenama prošlogodišnjeg NATO
bombardovanja.
‘Milovan Vitezović himself said about his main character that he despised death and
loved life, and that the novel was written during NATO bombing last year.’
(2) Nacionalna strategija može da smanji na minimum dileme vezane za problem
tretmana otpada, da podstakne dobre pokušaje i obeshrabri loše.
‘National strategy can minimise the dilemmas about the treatment of waste, to
incite good and discourage bad efforts.’
(3) Uočivši zbunjenost na licu gosta iz Engleske, ona sramežljivo dodade: “Pa,
prodajemo konzerve sa hranom a kupujemo udžbenike i školski pribor”.
‘Having noticed that the guest from England was confused, she added shyly:
Well, we sell canned food and buy textbooks and school materials.’
The two contrast pairs in (1) život/smrt ‘life/death’, voleo/prezirao ‘love/despise’ are almost
identical in the strength of contrast relation, the only difference being the fact that the A pair
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�is the canonical antonymous pair, while the B pair does not (yet) have that status in the
mental lexicon. In cases like these it cannot be argued that antonyms create contrast
relationship between members of another, related pair. However, the contrast relation that
holds between antonyms is conventionalized and entrenched in our mental lexicon so that we
can still label this function as Ancillary Antonymy, albeit in the sense of reciprocally
ancillatory. In (2) ancillary function of antonyms is more obvious. Antonyms are used in
order to draw out a latent contrast between a pair of co-hyponyms, i.e. a pair of concepts that
share the same super-ordinate concept (or even latent co-hyponyms, words or phrases that
acquire the status of co-hyponyms in the appropriate context). These pairs often have a
potential for contrast, but they are usually interpreted as non-contrastive. However, in the
appropriate context (created by the use of canonical antonymous pair and antonymous
patterns coupled with syntactic parallelism), words or phrases such as, for example,
podstakne ‘incite’ and obeshrabri ‘discourage’, can be interpreted as contextually similar but
for one relevant difference, which makes them members of a binary contrast set. Example (3)
illustrates extreme cases of Ancillary Antonymy, in which the presence of conventionalized
antonyms is of utmost importance for the creation of contrast relation. The related pair holds
no contrast potential and it is their proximity to the antonymous pair which endows these
concepts with contrastive power. In other words, the canonical antonymous pair is effectively
creating comparison between a pair of phrases with a very low innate contrastive value. In
these examples our attention is drawn to pairs of phrases that are completely unrelated and
without any contrastive potential, but which the writer sets up in contrast relation to convey
certain messages and achieve certain effects. This contrast relation is established by the use
of an established antonymous pair, parallel structures, and antonymous pattern. In example
(3) antonymous pair of verbs (kupiti/prodati ‘buy/sell’), within the antonymous pattern (x a y
‘x and y’), makes adequate framework in which the corresponding objects in the form of
noun phrases (konzerve sa hranom ‘canned food’ and udžbenike i školski pribor ‘textbooks
and school materials’) can only be understood as semantically opposed for the purposes of
this specific context.
In Ancillary Antonymy contexts, contextual dependency of contrast pairs can either
be zero (in the case of recognized antonymous pairs), or total, in the case of antonym
constructs. An antonym construct is a new antonym pairing generated in Ancillary Antonymy
context (Kostić, 2015a, p. 153). This context consists of an established antonymous pair, the
antonymous pattern and/or structural parallelism. Lexical environment that enables the
second contrastive relation in Ancillary Antonymy examples is the presence of the
established antomymous pair, whose semantic and pragmatic features make it available to
creators and interpreters of ancillary contrasts in text. When used in this way,
conventionalized antonyms can either strengthen the relation generated according to the
principle RC-LC (for pairs of co-hyponyms) or provide the dimension of comparison for the
features of semantic incompatibility and contrast, if no such dimension for the pair exists (for
semantically unrelated pairs). Antonym constructs can be of diverse nature, such as cohyponyms of various super-ordinate concepts or totally unrelated pairs of words, phrases or
clauses. In fact, there is no limit as to what might constitute such a pair, as long as the
relational principle RC-LC can be applied. It means that all of the above examples of binary
semantic contrast belong to the same type of relation, and that the relation of antonymy is
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�predictable and derivable in the appropriate context. However, the degree of antonymity
obviously varies. The more canonical antonyms are linked both semantically and lexically,
are more entrenched in memory, and reinforced through linguistic experience. The less
canonical, and some of the non-canonical members of antonym couplings created in
discourse, are inherently contrastive if they fall into complementary distribution within the
same meaning dimension. Other non-canonical pairs are antonyms only because of their
semantic incompatibility when they are used in binary contrast in order to be opposites.
3.2 Derivability of antonymic relation in phrasal contexts of antonym cooccurrence
Since they typically house the well-established antonymous pairs in the sentence,
phrasal contexts of antonym co-occurrence in written discourse can be assumed to generate
contrast relation in context, even when antonyms are not present. In order to investigate this,
Kostić (2015b) examined the creation of the textual antonymous profile of a given word by
means of some of those antonymous patterns. The performance of three common antonymous
patterns (x ili y ‘x or y’, i x i y ‘both x and y’ and između x i y ‘between x and y’) was
investigated in the Serbian electronic corpus of 123 million words by placing a seed word in
the X and in the Y positions, and extracting all concordances which feature that word string
from the corpus. These three patterns have been chosen because the textual functions they are
typical of are among the most reliable in terms of lexical signaling. The output generated by
all three patterns, using as test items the adjectives dobar ‘good’, loš ‘bad’, prirodan ‘natural’
and the noun uspeh ‘success’, strongly suggests that the chosen patterns are abundant.
Subsequent analysis of contrastive pairs established in those contexts gave evidence to the
claim that it is possible to create the textual profile of antonyms using these lexico-syntactic
constructions. The range of contrast pairs found with antonymous patterns surpasses the
limited number of well-established antonyms commonly discussed in the theoretical
approaches on antonymy. In particular, the pattern-based method can find not only canonical
antonyms like dobar/loš ‘good/bad’, uspeh/neuspeh ‘success/failure’, but also less
conventional pairs like prirodan/veštački ‘natural/artificial’, uspeh/pad ‘success/fall’, nontypical domain-specific contrast pair like prirodan/društveni ‘natural/social’ (sciences),
prirodan/sintetički ‘natural/synthetic’ (materials) and highly context-dependent pairs like
prirodan/dodatno unet ‘natural/supplemental’ (hormones in the human body) or uspeh/mir
‘success/peace’ (an analogue of being popular versus living a peaceful life). Although such
pairs are used in the corpus in a way similar to the canonical pairs, non-typical contextdependent contrast pairs have been neglected in theoretical classifications. These results
provide evidence that antonymy includes a much wider range of pairs than has previously
been recognized. One reason why the antonym of a word can vary according to context is the
fact that words are polysemous, and different senses of a single word may require different
antonyms; such is the case for a number of antonyms of prirodan ‘natural’ retrieved in this
research (e.g. ‘natural/artificial’, ‘natural/man-made’, ‘natural/synthetic’, ‘natural/social’,
etc.). Murphy and Andrew (1993) gave experimental evidence that people recognize different
antonyms for adjectives according to the nouns that the adjectives modify. For example, the
antonym of the sense of ‘fresh’ in fresh fish is different from that in fresh bread or fresh shirt.
8
�For many of these, we might say that the antonym is associated with a particular sense of the
given adjective, in which case semantic considerations are as important as pragmatic ones;
the role of the context is to point out which sense is relevant. However, not only does the
relation of contrast vary by word sense (as is noted in the literature), but it can also vary by
context, regardless of sense variation. In contrast to, say, uspeh ‘success’, language users can
put a very unrelated noun, like mir ‘peace’, if ‘success’ and ‘peace’ are in complementary
distribution in some context (e.g. Ako već moram da biram između uspeha i mira, biram mir
‘If I have to choose between being successful and having peace, I choose peace’), thus
occupying the same type of linguistic context in which we find other cases of binary semantic
contrast. The only difference here is that the contrast between ‘success’ and ‘peace’ is
dependent upon contextual knowledge in a way that the opposition between ‘success’ and
‘failure’ is not.
4. Conclusion
Results of corpus-based investigations provide support for treating antonymy as a
conceptual relation and as a linguistic category which exhibits prototypicality effects. There
is a select group of antonyms which are particularly strongly associated in memory, but the
conceptual structures are the cause of antonym couplings, not an effect. This approach
predicts a category with a continuum structure with a small number of core members
associated with particularly salient dimensions, and a range of non-conventionalized antonym
pairings which belong to the same type of relation as the conventionalized ones. The
relational principle Relation by Contrast-Lexical Contrast (RC-LC), as proposed within the
conceptual approach to antonymy (Murphy, 2003), is able to explain why we can recognize
that words are semantically related, although we may never have experienced them as related
before. It can account for the derivability of contrast relation between any form-meaning
pairing construed as opposites in discourse. As noted before, the degree of contrast may vary,
and range from conventionalized pairs strongly entrenched in memory and mental lexicon to
strongly contextually motivated pairings. An important difference between the canonical
pairing and all others is that the latter are dependent on contextual knowledge whereas
canonical pairs are not.
The creation of textual antonymous profiles by means of antonymous patterns
enlarges our understanding of this relation and has implications as to which pairs can be
treated as antonyms. Corpus-based investigations of antonymous patterns may find a larger
number of contrastive pairs that include not only already known pairs, but also novel
instances of binary semantic contrast, that are usually not studied or discussed by theoretical
linguists, as well as those that are contrastive only in certain contexts and domains. Results of
corpus-based investigations support the conceptual approach that views antonymy as a
conceptual construal dependent on the conceptual dimension that unites the antonyms on the
occurrence of use.
9
�References:
Charles, W. G., & Miller, G. A. (1989). Contexts of antonymous adjectives. Applied
Psycholinguistics, 10(3), 357-375.
Charles, W. G., Reed, M. A., & Derryberry, D. (1994). Conceptual and associative
processing in antonymy and synonymy. Applied Psycholinguistics, 15, 329-354.
Cruse, D. A. (1986). Lexical semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Davies, M. (2013). Oppositions and ideology in news discourse. London: Bloomsbury.
Deese, J. (1965). The structure of associations in language and thought. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press.
Fellbaum, C. (1998). WordNet: An electronic lexical database. Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press.
Gross, D., & Miller, K. J. (1990). Adjectives in WorNet. International Journal of
Lexicography, 3(4), 265-277.
Gross, D., Fischer, U., & Miller, G. A. (1989). The organization of adjectival meaning.
Journal of Memory and Language, 28, 92-106.
Herrmann, D. J., Chaffin, R., Conti, G., Peters, D., & Robbins, P. H. (1979).
Comprehension of antonymy and the generality of categorization models. Journal
of Experimental Psychology: Human Learning and Memory, 5, 585-597.
Herrmann, D. J., Chaffin, R., Daniel, M. P., & Wool, R. S. (1986). The role of elements of
relation definition in antonym and synonym comprehension. Zeitschrift für
Psychologie, 194, 133-153.
Hsu, C. C. (2015). A syntagmatic analysis of antonym co-occurrences in Chinese:
contrastive constructions and co-occurrence sequencies. Corpora, 10(1), 47-82.
Jones, S. (2002). Antonymy: A corpus-based perspective. London and New York: Routledge.
Jones, S. (2006). Antonym co-occurrence in spoken English. Text and Talk, 26(2), 191216.
Jones, S. (2007). ‘Opposites’ in discourse: A comparison of antonym use across four
domains. Journal of Pragmatics, 39(6), 1105-1119.
Jones, S., & Murphy, M. L. (2005). Using corpora to investigate antonym acquisition.
International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 10(3), 401-422.
Jones, S., Paradis, C., Murphy, M. L., & Willners, C. (2007). Googling for opposites: a
web-based study of antonym canonicity. Corpora, 2(2), 129-154.
Kostić, N. (2011). Antonymous frameworks in Serbian written discourse: phrasal contexts of
antonym co-occurrence in text. Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 47(3), 509537.
Kostić, N. (2015a). Antonymy in language use: from core members to ad hoc couplings.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 51(1), 133-161.
Kostić, N. (2015b). The textual profile of antonyms: a corpus–based study. Linguistics,
53(4), 649-575.
Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Muehleisen, V., & Isono, M. (2009). Antonymous adjectives in Japanese discourse.
Journal of Pragmatics, 41(11), 2185-2203.
10
�Murphy, G. L., & Andrew, J. M. (1993). The conceptual basis of antonymy and synonymy
in adjectives. Journal of Memory and Language, 32, 301-319.
Murphy, G. L. (2002). The big book of concepts. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press
Murphy, M. L. (2000). Knowledge of words versus knowledge about words: the conceptual
basis of lexical relations. In B. Peeters (Ed.), The lexicon– encyclopedia interface (pp. 317348). Amsterdam: Elsevier.
Murphy, M. L. (2003). Semantic relations and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Murphy, M. L., & Jones, S. (2008). Antonyms in children’s and child-directed speech.
First Language, 28(4), 403-430.
Murphy, M. L., Paradis, C., Willners, C., & Jones, S. (2009). Discourse functions of
antonymy: a cross linguistic investigation of Swedish and English. Journal of
Pragmatics, 41(11), 2159-2184.
Palermo, D. S., & Jenkins, J. J. (1964). Word association norms: grade school through
college. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Room, A. (1988). A dictionary of contrasting pairs. London: Routledge.
Willners, C. (2001). Antonyms in context. A corpus-based semantic analysis of Swedish
descriptive adjective. Working Papers, Department of Linguistics, Lund University.
40.
11
�
Dublin Core
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3267
Title
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On conceptual nature of antonymy: Evidence from corpus-based investigations
Author
Author
Kostić, Nataša
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
This paper provides an overview of corpus investigations in studying antonymy with an aim to argue in favour of the conceptual approach to antonymy. Antonymy is considered to play an important role in organizing languages’ vocabularies. However, there is no consensus in the literature on the issue of whether antonyms form a set of stored lexical associations (as the structuralists and the Princeton WordNet model propose), or whether the category of antonymy is a context-sensitive, conceptually grounded category (as conceptual models of meaning propose). On the basis of author’s recent investigations of antonymy in Serbian written discourse, this paper argues in favour of the conceptual approach to antonymy. This approach predicts a category with a continuum structure, with prototypical antonym partners as core members, and category members for which a partner is not available in a context-free environment. The theoretical implication of the investigations presented is that antonymy is primarily a conceptual relation, based on general cognitive processes. Keywords: antonymy, cognitive approach, conceptual relation.
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International Burch University
Date
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2016-04-17
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
PE English
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/feb20be2e5dac7e85e19d9b65e29c2b6.pdf
358a4f9a82add476da9123f8b19e2dba
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Pre-Primary Teachers’ Beliefs about Early Foreign Language Learning in Slovenia
Author
Author
Dagarin Fojkar, Mateja
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
The introduction of foreign languages into the early years has spurred a need for qualified teachers. Most of the recent studies (e.g. Garton, Copland & Burns, 2011; Mourão & Lourenço, 2015; Murphy & Evangelou, 2016) reveal that there are not enough teachers who would be proficient in a foreign language and at the same time have thorough knowledge of the preschool curriculum and methodology of teaching foreign languages to young learners. More pre-service and in-service teacher training in this area is highly recommended. In Slovenia, there is currently only a two-year in-service teacher-training programme for pre-primary teachers who wish to gain a formal certificate to teach English to children from the ages of 3 to 6 and only a few teachers have finished it. Nevertheless, the research shows that in 2009/2010 almost half of Slovene kindergartens (47,5%) offered some form of foreign language teaching to children and we can assume that this number has grown in the last six years. Ideally, foreign languages would be taught by trained pre-primary teachers, proficient in foreign languages and early language teaching methodology, and therefore we have conducted a research among 369 pre-primary teachers, asking them about their beliefs about early foreign language learning. Questionnaires were administered to all the participants in the study. The results show that most pre-primary teachers have a positive attitude to early foreign language learning. Most of them think that children should start learning a foreign language in kindergarten and that foreign language learning should be integrated into the preschool curriculum. They think that foreign languages should be taught by qualified pre-primary teachers and approximately half of them are willing to train for early FL teaching. Their attitude to early foreign language learning brings an optimistic forecast into the future, but there is still a lot to be done for effective inclusion of foreign languages into pre-primary education. Keywords: preschool children, pre-primary teachers, foreign language learning
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International Burch University
Date
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2016-04-12
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/db25f4a7b966f60352d0ad2e0aabe974.pdf
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1
Language learning through Facebook: A descriptive case study
Judit Papp
University of Naples “L’Orientale”, Italy
Abstract:
According to the statistics as of 15 November 2015 in Italy there are about 28,000,000 Facebook
subscribers, which means a 46.1% penetration rate.1 Facebook is also the most commonly used
social networking tool among university students: their involvement and the hours they spend
on this popular networking site should encourage educators in higher education institutions to
consider it as a place for learning and to integrate it in the academic practices. This paper reports
and analyzes the data collected using a questionnaire concerning students’ perceptions of
language learning possibilities on Facebook. The survey was conducted at the University of
Naples “L’Orientale” (Department of Literary, Linguistics and Comparative Studies) during the
academic year 2015-2016 and involved students enrolled in three different courses. At this step,
students’ perceptions and attitudes were measured through a questionnaire including several
questions about demographic information, their perceptions of Facebook and their use and
behavior on this social network site. The main purpose of this study was to find out the role and
benefits of Facebook in students’ language learning processes, whether Facebook is able to
improve students’ language skills and whether students use specific Facebook groups to facilitate
language learning. The study was limited only to the generic social networking site Facebook,
excluding all the other social networking sites (including the relatively new Language Learning
Social Network Sites (LLSNSs) too, such as Babbel, Busuu, italki; Polyglotclub, etc.)
Keywords: Social networking sites, Facebook, Foreign language learning, Engagement
1. Introduction
In this study I explore students’ engagement on Facebook and their perceptions of it as a
language learning tool. It is interesting to investigate how much time students spend on
Facebook, however, it is even more stimulating to try to understand what they are doing while
logged in, how they are using the different possibilities available on Facebook.
This research survey was conducted at the University of Naples “L’Orientale” (Department
of Literary, Linguistics and Comparative Studies) during the academic year 2015-2016 with the
aim to explore how students use Facebook for academic purpose specially to enhance their
second-language skills. It involved a total of 119 students (mainly Italians: 110 out of 119)
enrolled in three different courses: Applied linguistics, General translation studies and Literary
translation studies. The first two courses are part of one of the Department’s three-year degree
1
http://www.internetworldstats.com/europa.htm#it
�2
courses programs (Linguistic and cultural mediation), while the third one is part of some of the
Department’s two-year post-graduate degree programs:
93 participants are students of the three-year degree courses program in Linguistic and
cultural mediation.
26 participants are students of the two-year post-graduate degree programs (22 students of
European and American languages and literatures, 3 students of Comparative literatures and
cultures and 1 student of Specialist translation).
2. Method
Students’ perceptions, their attitudes towards Facebook and their behavior on this networking
site were measured through a questionnaire containing, among others, questions concerning
demographic information (students personal data, age, gender, mother tongue, course program,
languages studied inside and outside the university), time commitment (number of loggings on
Facebook, amount of time spent on Facebook weekly), main reasons for the usage of this social
networking site, the usefulness of Facebook for language learning from the students’ point of
view, the nature of Facebook’s influence on students’ language learning, memberships in
specific Facebook groups for language learning, etc.
3. Findings and discussion
The gender figures of the students involved in the survey are illustrated in the following table:
three-year
degree
courses
program
two-year post-graduate degree
program
three-year
degree
courses
program
two-year post-graduate degree
program
female
80 (86%)
male
13 (14%)
23 (88.5%)
3 (11.5%)
Italian students
85 (91.4%)
International students
(regularly enrolled, mother
tongue not Italian)
8 (8.6%)
25 (96.2%)
1 (3.8%)
In total, in the survey participated 103 female (86.6%) and 16 male (13.4%) students. The
gender figures are fairly representative of the ratio of the general population of university
students in the second year of the Linguistic and cultural mediation course program [18.62%
male (n=108) and 81.38% female (n=472)] and the second year of the European and American
languages and literatures, Comparative literatures and cultures and Specialist translation course
programs [12.12% male (n=40) and 87.88% female (n=290)] of the University of Naples
“L’Orientale”.
The majority (84.87%) of the participants were in the 19-26 years category:
�3
Three-year degree courses program2
Two-year post-graduate degree
program3
Age group
19-21
22-26
Number of participants
81 out of 93 (87.1%)
20 out of 26 (76.9%)
For further researches also the geographical distribution of the participants could be
interesting, so according to the data stated by the students in the questionnaire, the geographical
distribution is the following:
Three-year degree courses program:
Province of Naples
Province of Caserta
Province of Salerno
Province of Avellino
Others (Latina, Foggia,
Benevento,
Lecce,
Catanzaro, Bari, Potenza)
49 students
20 students
7 students
5 students
12 students
Two-year post-graduate degree
program:
Province of Naples
Province of Caserta
Province of Salerno
Province of Potenza
Province of Bari
14 students
7 students
3 students
1 student
1 student
Considering the languages studied inside and outside the university, the participants of the
survey do not constitute a homogenous group. Students of the three-year degree courses program
participating in the survey study the following languages: English (50 students), German (39
students), Russian (33 students), French (24 students), Spanish (22 students), Arabic (9 students),
Dutch (3 students) and Portuguese (5 students).
English-Russian
English-German
French-German
German-Spanish
French-Spanish
English-French
German-Russian
Russian-Spanish
English-Portuguese
Arabic-Spanish
2
19
18
8
7
6
5
5
5
4
3
Arabic-English
Arabic-French
French-Russian
Arabic-Russian
English-Dutch
French-Dutch
German-Dutch
Russian-Polish
Spanish-Portuguese
3
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
16 students were in the 19 years, 49 students in the 20 years, 16 students in the 21 years, 4 students in the 22
years, 1 student in the 23 years, 3 students in the 24 years, 2 students in the 25 years, 1 student in the 28 years and
1 (international) student in the 42 years category.
3
1 student was in the 21 years, 4 students were in the 22 years, 3 students in the 23 years, 5 students in the 24
years, 5 students in the 25 years, 3 students in the 26 years, 1 student in the 27 years, 1 student in the 28 years, 1
student in the 29 years and 2 students in the 33 years category.
�4
Distribution of the language pairs studied by the 1st level participants
Students of the two-year post-graduate degree program participating in the survey study the
following languages: English (19 students), Spanish (11 students), German (5 students), French
(4 students), Swedish (2 students), Russian (1 student), Chinese (1 student) and Japanese (1
student).
English-Spanish 7
English-Chinese 1
English-German 4
English-Japanese 1
English
3
Spanish-French 1
Spanish
3
English-French 1
French
2
German-Russian 1
Swedish-English 2
Distribution of the languages/language pairs studied by the 2nd level participants
The questionnaire contained various questions concerning Facebook usage and students’
perceptions and the analyzes of the answers is rather interesting. The first question asked how
many times a day students log in to Facebook?
According to the definition of Prensky (2001), all the 119 respondents are native digitals, they
have a Facebook account and they spend a substantial amount of time logged in Facebook. This
social networking site is an integral part of the daily routine of the majority of the participants
and they use it both on desktop and mobile devices (logging in with their phones). Students’
answers indicate also that 2nd level students log in to Facebook less often.
Students of the three-year degree courses program:
From 1 to 5
From 6 to 10
More than 10
33 (35.48%)
33 (35.48%)
27 (29.03%)
Students of the two-year post-graduate degree program:
From 1 to 5
From 6 to 10
More than 10
13 (50%)
8 (30.77%)
5 (19.23%)
The second question asked the average amount of time students spend on Facebook a week:
Students of the three-year degree courses
program:
No answer
3 (3.23%)
�5
Max. 1 hour
From 1 to 3 hours
From 4 to 8 hours
From 10 to 20 hours
From 20 to 100 hours
Significant amount of time
Not too much
16 (17.20%)
31 (33.33%)
22 (23.66%)
15 (16.13%)
5 (5.38%)
1 (1.08%)
No answer
Max. 1 hour
From 1 to 3 hours
From 4 to 8 hours
From 10 to 20 hours
From 20 to 100 hours
Significant amount of time
2 (7.69%)
2 (7.69%)
8 (30.77%)
5 (19.23%)
4 (15.38%)
4 (15.38%)
1 (3.85%)
Students of the two-year post-graduate
degree program:
According to their answers, every week students spend a significant amount of time on
Facebook and this information should be considered also for the academic practices. Generally
speaking, we can state that the majority of the students spend at least one hour a day on Facebook.
The third question asked about the language(s) the participants most frequently use on
Facebook beyond the Italian language (or in case of foreign students, beyond their mother
tongue):
Students of the three-year degree courses program:
English
English and French
English and Spanish
French
English and Russian
English,
Spanish
and
Portuguese
English, Spanish and German
English and German
Spanish
NONE
English, French and German.
English, Spanish and French
37
13
9
4
4
3
3
3
3
3
1
1
English, German and Russian
English, Spanish, German and
French
Italian, French, English and a
little Russian
Italian, English and Russian
Dutch
Polish
Russian
Only Italian and mothertongues
Spanish and French
German
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
83.87% of the students uses also English on Facebook, which is again a rather significant
value, yet educators should not neglect the usage of German, French, Spanish and Russian as
well as second languages.
Students of the two-year post-graduate degree program:
�6
English
English, Spanish
English and French
English and German
English and Chinese
English, Spanish and French
8
6
2
2
1
1
English, Spanish and Swedish
English and Swedish
English, German and Russian
Italian (L2)
Spanish
Spanish and French
1
1
1
1
1
1
Within the two-year post-graduate degree program, the situation is similar. 23 (88.46%) of
the participants use English as a second language on Facebook. A consistent number of students
uses on the social networking site also Spanish (10, 38.46%) and French (4, 15.38%).
The fourth question asked students about the main reasons for which they usually use
Facebook: According to the answers, it seems that usually students are more passive than active
on Facebook. They seem to spend more time observing or reading contents on Facebook than
posting them.
The main reasons Facebook is used by the students are for fun and entertainment and for
social interaction, usually with faraway family members or friends with whom students have a
pre-established, existing relationship.
After these two primary uses of Facebook, this social networking site has also an important
role in the academic lives of the students involved in this study. Almost all the students are
member of different closed university groups. There are two types of university groups: one
created and administered by the same educators (less frequent) and the ones created and
administered by the students in which professors are not welcome. In the latter ones, students
are involved in education-related communication. There are groups dedicated to almost all the
courses taught at the University and they are used mainly for organizational reasons and to
connect with and communicate with the other students of the different courses. Usually students
communicate about course materials, contents of the lessons, most frequently they publish
questions about the exams or the results of the written exams, Erasmus exchange, but also about
exam sessions and other generic topics concerning various academic practices.
Many students of the three-year degree courses program (35.48%) state that they are using
Facebook also to learn language and culture, so as a tool able to support self-training. However,
this value diminishes noticeably among the students of the two-year post-graduate degree
program.
Students of the three-year degree courses program:
Fun, leisure, entertainment
Social interaction (to keep in touch with faraway family and friends)
Language learning
As a source of information
For work or sale or hobby
To like pages dedicated to films, TV series, music, handicraft, etc.
To share photos/videos
72 (77.42%)
66 (70.97%)
33 (35.48%)
15 (16.13%)
7 (7.53%)
5 (5.38%)
4 (4.30%)
�7
To see the photos, videos and posts on the wall of the friends
To share and/or to see links
To communicate with foreign friends
To like journals, websites, etc.
To chat
To follow and/or discover trends
4 (4.30%)
3 (3.23%)
3 (3.23%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
Students of the two-year post-graduate degree program:
Social interaction (to keep in touch with faraway family and friends)
Fun, leisure, entertainment
As a source of information
Language learning
Boredom
23 (88.46%)
16 (61.54%)
8 (30.77%)
6 (23.08%)
1 (3.85%)
Considering the content of the two tables above, it is also evident, that all these students are
familiar with the various receptive and productive activities available on Facebook, such as
chatting, messaging, liking pages and groups, sharing images, videos, links, commenting on
walls, etc.
The fifth question asked students about their usage of Facebook to learn languages. According
to the answers, 20 (21.51%) out of 93 students of the three-year degree courses program do not
use Facebook for language learning, while 2 students affirmed that language learning is only a
secondary effect of this social networking site. To the specific question concerning the usage of
Facebook for language-learning reasons, 71 students (76.34%) affirm to use Facebook with this
aim too. 49 students (52.69%) use Facebook to enhance their English, 29 (31.18%) to enhance
their French, 18 (19.35%) to enhance their Spanish, 17 (18.28%) to enhance their German and
12 (12.90%) to enhance their Russian language skills.
No
20
(21.51%)
Yes, English
15
(16.13%)
Yes, French
6 (6.45%)
Yes, English and French
6 (6.45%)
Yes, English and German
5 (5.38%)
Yes, Russian
4 (4.30%)
Yes, German
4 (4.30%)
Yes, Spanish and German
3 (3.23%)
Yes, English, Spanish and 3 (3.23%)
Portuguese
Yes, English and Russian
3 (3.23%)
Yes, Spanish
2 (2.15%)
Yes, English, Spanish and
Russian
Yes, English, French and
Russian
Yes, English, French and
German
Yes, English and Spanish
Yes, English and Arabic
As a secondary effect,
English
Yes, Spanish, German and
Dutch
Yes, Russian and Spanish
Yes, Italian (as L2)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
2 (2.15%)
1 (1.08%)
1 (1.08%)
1 (1.08%)
�8
Yes, French and German
1 (1.08%)
Yes, English, Spanish and 1 (1.08%)
Arabic
Yes,
English,
French, 1 (1.08%)
Spanish and Italian (L2)
Yes,
English,
French,
German and Spanish
Yes, English, French and
Spanish
Yes, English and Dutch
Yes, Arabic
1 (1.08%)
1 (1.08%)
1 (1.08%)
1 (1.08%)
7 students (26.93%) of the two-year post-graduate degree program do not use Facebook to
enhance their language skills and 4 students (15.38%) are not really persuaded by Facebook as
a learning place, even if they admit its usefulness in a certain measure. 15 students (57.69%) use
this social networking site also to learn English, 8 students (30.77%) use it for Spanish and others
also for French, German and other languages (Swedish, Russian, Chinese).
No
Yes, English and
Spanish
Yes, English
Yes, French
Yes, English and
Chinese
Yes, English and
French
Yes, English and
Swedish
Yes,
English,
Swedish, Spanish and
French
7 (26.93%)
4 (15.38%)
3 (11.54%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
Yes, English, German
and Russian
Yes, Spanish
Yes, Spanish and
French
As a secondary effect,
English
Not
too
much,
English, Spanish and
French
Rarely, English and
German
Occasionally,
German
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
The aim of the next question was to explore, in case of Facebook usage for language learning,
which activities or options of the site are typically used.
Students of the three-year degree courses program usually chat with Facebook friends who
are native speakers of the languages they study and want to improve. In this case Facebook has
an important function in language learning: to substitute the direct face-to-face relationship it is
able to provide interactive and authentic access to native speakers and also to different kind of
documents in various languages. So, from this point of view, one of the main benefits of
Facebook is that it facilitates collaborative exchanges between language learners and native
speakers.
Some students are members of specific Facebook groups and others follow various pages
written in foreign languages. Following foreign newspapers or famous persons allows also to
avoid adding strangers to the friend list and giving them access to the personal information, while
it ensures a certain level of exposure to the foreign language through the various feeds.
�9
To a lesser extent, students also engage in several other common activities on the site.
It is interesting to point out that a part of the students changed the language of their account
(Facebook language settings) in a language different from their mother tongue as they are
convinced that it can offer certain benefits to the language learning process and it provides more
exposure to the target language.
Students of the three-year degree courses program:
Not applicable
Chatting with native speakers
Being member of groups created for language learners
“Liking” pages in foreign languages
(newspapers, journals, recensions of disks, make-up, pastry making…)
Watching videos in foreign languages
Reading articles in foreign languages
Reading and/or commenting posts written by foreign friends
Setting Facebook in a foreign language
“Liking” pages dedicated to teaching foreign languages
Visiting links in foreign languages
Listening to songs
Watching images in foreign languages
Visiting pages where users upload TV series in English
18 (19.35%)
32 (34.40%)
20 (21.51%)
17 (18.28%)
13 (13.98%)
10 (10.75%)
8 (8.60%)
8 (8.60%)
7 (7.53%)
5 (5.38%)
3 (3.23%)
2 (2.15%)
1 (1.08%)
Students of the 2nd level are also engaged in certain common Facebook activities with the aim
of facilitating language learning.
Students of the two-year post-graduate degree program:
Not applicable
Being member of groups created for language learners
“Liking” pages in foreign languages
(newspapers, journals, recensions of disks, make-up, pastry making…)
“Liking” pages dedicated to teaching foreign languages
Reading articles in foreign languages
Chatting with native speakers
Listening to interviews
Reading and/or commenting posts written by foreign friends
Watching videos in foreign languages
Writing posts in foreign languages
8 (30.77%)
6 (23.08%)
6 (23.08%)
5 (19.23%)
5 (19.23%)
3 (11.54%)
2 (7.69%)
2 (7.69%)
2 (7.69%)
1 (3.85%)
The seventh question asked students whether Facebook can enhance the knowledge of foreign
languages. The majority of the students (more than 60%) of the three-year degree courses
�10
program clearly agree that Facebook can be a useful tool in language learning. However, there
is a certain difference between the two groups: in fact, this rate decreased significantly in the
second group:
Three-year degree courses program:
Yes
No
Yes, a bit
Yes, enough
Not much
Yes, very much
Yes, partially
Yes, minimally
Sometimes
44 (47.31%)
8 (8.60%)
8 (8.60%)
7 (7.53%)
6 (6.45%)
6 (6.45%)
4 (4.30%)
4 (4.30%)
4 (4.30%)
Two-year post-graduate degree
program:
Yes
No
Yes, enough
Yes, minimally
Not much
Yes, more or less
13 (50%)
5 (19.23%)
4 (15.38%)
2 (7.69%)
1 (3.85%)
1 (3.85%)
The next open question then was related to the previous one and wanted to investigate the role
of Facebook in enhancing students’ different language skills. So, in this question I’ve asked the
participants to describe those language skills that according to them can be enhanced simply
using Facebook. They were asked also to differentiate their answers according to the different
languages they use on Facebook.
However, at this step I’ll illustrate the comprehensive outcome of this investigation.
The results illustrated that, from the perceptions of the students, Facebook is a resource that
with its different features is able to enrich their vocabulary and reading, writing and listening
skills in the different foreign languages.
In both groups a great number of students affirmed that they can learn or absorb many new
vocabularies and expressions rather unconsciously just reading posts, comments, article, etc. on
Facebook.
A certain number of students answered that they can learn jokes, slang words and expressions
just as a result of a natural and unconscious process, and they can experience a deepened
understanding of the different cultures:
Three-year degree courses program:
Vocabulary
Reading
Writing
70
(75.53%)
63
(67.77%)
49
(52.69%)
Listening
Proverbs, idioms,
wordplays
Youth slang
Speaking
Pronunciation
39
(41.94%)
11 (11.83%)
10 (10.75%)
8 (8.60%)
2 (2.15%)
�11
Two-year post-graduate degree
program:
Listening
Speaking
Youth slang
Proverbs,
wordplays
Vocabulary
9 (34.62%)
3 (11.54%)
3 (11.54%)
idioms, 1 (3.85%)
18
(69.23%)
Reading
16
(61.54%)
Writing
16
(61.54%)
With the aid of the next question I wanted to investigate further their behavior concerning the
liking and following of pages in foreign languages (especially pages concerning language
learning, newspapers, journals, TV series, etc.).
The main part of the participants uses this common option of Facebook and some of the most
popular pages for language learning are the followings: Ich liebe Deutsch, J’aime le français,
Phrasal Verbs Club, Tedesco per italiani, Goethe Institut - Deutsch lernen, Deutsch Italia, Fun
Russian, Impara il russo con Tanyusha, Russian Vocabulary, Centro russo dell’Università degli
studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”, English idioms, English Speaking Club; English is Fun, BBC
Learning English, IELTS Official, Cambridge English, Apprendre le Français, Praticamos
Espanol, etc.
three-year degree courses
program
two-year
post-graduate
degree program
Yes
68 (73.11%)
No
25 (26.69%)
24 (92.30%)
2 (7.70%)
Finally, a particular attention was paid in this survey to Facebook groups (a feature available
on Facebook to gather users that share common interests) for language teaching and learning. In
fact, the last open question investigated the level of students’ participation in Facebook groups
for language learning. While all participants are familiar with Facebook groups and their
features, it seems that the groups for language learning are not really popular. The main part of
the students felt that utilizing Facebook groups as a tool for language learning does not really
supports language acquisition and only few of them are members of these particular kind of
Facebook groups:
A few examples given by the students are the followings: Es. Studiamo il tedesco:
grammatica-regole e frasi utili, Studiamo il francese: Grammatica-Regole-Frasi utili, Studiamo
il Tedesco: Grammatica-Regole-Frasi utili, Nederlands als tweede tal, Polyglot gathering,
Tandem Deutsch-Italienisch / Tandem Tedesco-Italiano, Jetzt lernen wir Deutsch, Italienisch
Lernen - imparare il tedesco, Uk languages courses, Linguaenglish, Learn English with SOLEX
College, BBC Learning English.
No
Yes
�12
three-year degree courses
program
two-year
post-graduate
degree program
65 (69.89%)
28 (30,11%)
20 (76.92%)
6 (23.08%)
4. Conclusion
Analyzing the answers, it is also discovered that despite the positive affective influences
Facebook in general and Facebook groups in particular have on the participants, many students
still prefer the actual classroom discussion or other social networking sites or other resources
(skype) instead of Facebook.
However, this study offers opportunities for future research at our University and in the Italian
context as well concerning the usage of Facebook in higher education. Understanding better how
students are using Facebook and the other popular social networking sites for academic purposes
and also outside the university to support and integrate their learning processes and to increase
their knowledge of the target culture may provide valuable data and ideas about how these
learning opportunities could be integrated also into the formal university context.
As it is rather evident that students are highly interested in Facebook for educational and
education-related purposes, in my opinion, it should also encourage faculty members in a greater
extent to use this networking site during the educational process.
�13
Appendix
a) Three-year degree courses program
Questions concerning Facebook and Facebook
Groups
1. I use English in the FB groups I’m a member
2. I use other foreign languages in the FB groups
I’m a member
Please, specify the language(s)
3. I talk about my language courses with my FB
friends
4. I ask questions about the lessons/activities done
during the language lessons
5. I ask generic questions about foreign languages
6. I speak/write in English on Facebook about
different topics
7. I speak/write in other Foreign languages on
Facebook about different topics
Please, specify the language(s)
8. I publish useful and interesting posts in foreign
languages
11. I never neglect the posts of other users
concerning language learning
10. I “like” if I see groups promoting language
learning
Always
Sometimes
Never
4
11
Italian
Russian (3)
Spanish (4)
German (4)
French (3)
29
44
20
54
32
French (11)
German (10)
Spanish (9)
Russian (6)
Arabic (1)
Portuguese (1)
Dutch (1)
57
22
52
13
14
8
54
62
19
17
7
Spanish (2)
French (3)
German (1)
Italian (1)
Russian (1)
34
13
46
French (18)
German (12)
Spanish (17)
Russian (9)
Portuguese (2)
Italian (2)
Dutch (2)
Arabic (1)
50
30
47
10
48
32
7
10
24
�14
11. I write in foreign languages on Facebook
whenever I can
Please, specify the language(s)
27
English (20)
French (10)
Spanish (11)
German (7)
Russian (4)
Italian (1)
Portuguese (1)
12. I learn new words/expressions through my
44
conversations on Facebook
English (33)
Please, specify the language(s)
Spanish (16)
French (12)
German (10)
Russian (5)
Portuguese (4)
Dutch (2)
Italian (1)
13. If necessary, to chat on Facebook in foreign
25
languages, I use dictionaries
14. If during the conversations in foreign
39
languages, I have difficulties, I ask for
help/explanation
15. I share my stories and personal experiences on
9
Facebook in foreign languages
b) Two-year post-graduate degree program
45
English (33)
French (12)
Spanish (13)
German (9)
Russian (6)
Dutch (2)
Arabic (1)
34
English (25)
French (11)
Spanish (9)
German (3)
Russian (3)
Arabic (1)
Dutch (1)
15
47
15
39
9
36
25
9
Questions concerning Facebook and Facebook
Groups
1. I use English in the FB groups I’m a member
2. I use other foreign languages in the FB groups I’m a
member
Please, specify the language(s)
Always
Sometimes
Neve
r
9
13
5
2
French (1)
Spanish (2)
3. I talk about my language courses with my FB friends
1
11
10
French (4)
Spanish (4)
German (2)
Swedish (1)
Chinese (1)
18
4. I ask questions about the lessons/activities done during
the language lessons
5. I ask generic questions about foreign languages
6. I speak/write in English on Facebook about different
topics
7. I speak/write in other Foreign languages on Facebook
about different topics
6
16
3
1
1
19
22
5
2
1
Spanish
16
Spanish (8)
8
6
�15
Please, specify the language(s)
8. I publish useful and interesting posts in foreign
languages
9. I never neglect the posts of other users concerning
language learning
10. I “like” if I see groups promoting language learning
11. I write in foreign languages on Facebook whenever I
can
Please, specify the language(s)
6
French (5)
German (3)
Swedish (1)
Chinese (1)
Italian (1)
16
7
18
14
7
English (6)
Spanish (5)
French (4)
German (1)
3
4
3
12. I learn new words/expressions through my
conversations on Facebook
Please, specify the language(s)
10
English (9)
Spanish (6)
French (3)
German (2)
Italian (1)
Swedish (1)
13. If necessary, to chat on Facebook in foreign
languages, I use dictionaries
14. If during the conversations in foreign languages, I
have difficulties, I ask for help/explanation
15. I share my stories and personal experiences on
Facebook in foreign languages
5
8
14
English (14)
Spanish (5)
German (3)
French (1)
Italian (1)
Chinese (1)
12
English (12)
Spanish (5)
French (3)
German (2)
Russian (1)
Swedish (1)
Chinese (1)
17
6
13
6
3
9
13
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3265
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Language learning through Facebook: A descriptive case study
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Papp, Judit
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According to the statistics as of 15 November 2015 in Italy there are about 28,000,000 Facebook subscribers, which means a 46.1% penetration rate. Facebook is also the most commonly used social networking tool among university students: their involvement and the hours they spend on this popular networking site should encourage educators in higher education institutions to consider it as a place for learning and to integrate it in the academic practices. This paper reports and analyzes the data collected using a questionnaire concerning students’ perceptions of language learning possibilities on Facebook. The survey was conducted at the University of Naples “L’Orientale” (Department of Literary, Linguistics and Comparative Studies) during the academic year 2015-2016 and involved students enrolled in three different courses. At this step, students’ perceptions and attitudes were measured through a questionnaire including several questions about demographic information, their perceptions of Facebook and their use and behavior on this social network site. The main purpose of this study was to find out the role and benefits of Facebook in students’ language learning processes, whether Facebook is able to improve students’ language skills and whether students use specific Facebook groups to facilitate language learning. The study was limited only to the generic social networking site Facebook, excluding all the other social networking sites (including the relatively new Language Learning Social Network Sites (LLSNSs) too, such as Babbel, Busuu, italki; Polyglotclub, etc.) Keywords: Social networking sites, Facebook, Foreign language learning, Engagement
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International Burch University
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2016-04-10
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PE English