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THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTRASTIVE TEXT STUDIES IN TRANSLATOLOGY
Lindita Sejdiu-Rugova & Bardh Rugova
University of Prishtina
Article History:
Submitted: 04.06.2015
Accepted: 05.07.2015
Abstract: The paper aims at bringing up a type of text linguistic analysis, different from
traditional one, with the emphasis on the contrastive studies in general and on the EnglishAlbanian cross-linguistic phenomena in particular. It will concentrate in explaining some of the
most intriguing and most diverse text analysis elements having in mind the following text
categories: Point of view, Composition, Text Idioms. A grammatical structure (Relative
Constructions) has been examined thoroughly within the translation method analysis, out of and
within the co-text analysis. It resulted in two different outcomes: traditional direct method
analysis on one side and text linguistic co-text analysis on the other. Text linguistics as a special
field of studies has been greatly developed due to the increased number of translations from one
language into another. Text analysis, which relies on the deep description of micro and macro
text elements of the text, is crucial for determining the level of translation accuracy of a
particular text. Having in mind the relevance of recent discourse and pragmatic analyses impact
in the development of interdisciplinary studies, the explanation of constituent elements of the
written text is of great importance for the contrastive text studies or translation studies
respectively.
Keywords: text, discourse, paragraph, composition, point of view
1
�1. INTRODUCTION
The aim of this paper is to emphasise the importance of text grammar as a special discipline
within Text Linguistic studies and to prove its reliability by comparing the linguistic analysis of
one of the segments of grammar in English and Albanian (in our case relative constructions)
using the usual contrastive methods of sentence grammars and by taking into consideration some
of the aspects of text grammar analysis.
Analysing grammatical structures and functions without having taken into account their cotext and context features could be compared to flavourless dishes! Since the flavour you add
gives a more inclusive description of text grammar categories, sentences are not analysed
isolated and several semantic and pragmatic concepts, very important for the understanding of
the text as a piece of coherent writing or a stretch of coherent speech, are viewed differently.
2. TRANSLATION AS A PROCESS AND AS A PRODUCT
The theory of translation regards translation as a transformation of one text into another when
being translated from a source language into a target one. A great part of this theory has been
oriented towards the context studies, by emphasising that the translation process involves
translation of one culture into another. Such an attitude and such a viewpoint are very much
related to a sociolinguistic, psycholinguistic, ethnolinguistic and anthropological text analysis,
thus leading it towards a linguistic concept which treats the text as a process, as a discourse.
However, another point of view, treating a linguistic unit as a product, is related to text grammar
and the concepts of the linguist Theun Van Dijk (1972). It represents the main methodological
basis of this paper, too.
3. CO-TEXT VS. CONTEXT
The text grammar analysis treats a linguistic unit within a co-text (Werlich, 1983), not
context. There is always some text and some co-text that accompanies it. Context, on the other
hand, includes more extralinguistic factors in order to give a prompt interpretation of a text
(Rugova & Sejdiu-Rugova, 2015; Van Dijk (1972, 1977), De Beaugrande, Dressler 1981,
Werlich, 1983). Text Categorization, Point of view, Composition and Text Variety are
considered to be the most important categories in analysing the original text and their translations
into a target language. Having in mind the fact that transformation from one text into another
requires the text analysis of both languages, the above-mentioned text categories will be
considered when contrasting the translation of grammatical structures from English into
Albanian and vice-versa.
4. TRANSLATION OF RELATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS FROM ENGLISH INTO
ALBANIAN AND VICE-VERSA – A CASE STUDY
The so-called Relative clauses in both English and Albanian belong to the group of
subordinate clauses with a very specific function: that of a modifier of a noun phrase. However,
the most recent CUP comprehensive grammar of the English Language, published in 2002, by
Huddleston and Pullum classifies them within the Relative Constructions group, not clauses, due
2
�to the fact that they contain an anaphoric element whose interpretation is determined by an
antecedent and together with their antecedent they create a phrase and can be replaced very
easily by a phrase. The special anaphoric tie or relation they create with their antecedent
classifies their relation with the larger structure containing them into an integrated,
supplementary, fused or a cleft relative. (Huddlestone & Pullum at al., 2002: 1033-1095).
Huddlestone & Pullum (2002) suggest that the anaphoric element may be overt or covert, and
according to them, in the overt case the relative clause is marked by the presence of one of the
relative words who, whom, whose, which, etc., as or within the initial constituent and such
clauses are called wh- relatives. In non-wh relatives the anaphoric element is covert, a gap; this
class is then subdivided into that relatives and bare relatives depending on the presence or
absence of that:
1. He’ll be glad to take the toys
A
which you don’t want. [ wh relative]
B
that you don’t want. [non-wh: that relative]
C
you don’t want. [non-wh: bare relative] (Huddleston & Pullum, 2002)
In Albanian, Relative Clauses have been treated and classified as Modifying Clauses (Fjali
përcaktore), e.g.: Hodhi sytë nga libri, fletët e të cilit ishin përthyer shumë. (italicised relative
pronoun in genitive, being the second modifying element in a relative construction), and most of
the existing traditional grammarians (Domi at al., 1995; Floqi S. at al., 1991, Prifti, 1971, Çeliku,
2012) have listed them as an independent functional of the hypotactic sentence classification
(including other categories, such as: Subject Clauses (kryefjalore), Predicative Clauses
(kallëzuesore), and Adjunct Clauses (rrethanore)).1 The relative pronouns in Albanian possess
the category of number, case and gender; hence their contextualisation is more versatile and
different from the one in English. In Albanian, a relative construction may appear before the
word it refers to and this cataphoric reference is typical of the relative word in regard to a longer
grammatical constituent it belongs to, in the situations when the relative constructions strongly
approve an idea or a thought: Që ti nuk erdhe, kjo po që është e saktë. - Kjo (This) being a
presupposed element of reference, used after the relative construction Qw ti nuk erdhe… (That
you did not come).
5. METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH
More than 100 examples of Relative Constructions in English and their translation into Albanian
have been analysed with the direct translation method analysis, common for traditional
contrastive studies. The corpus has been extracted from the novel Martin Eden written by Jack
London and contrasted with its Albanian translation of Shaban Demiraj. The relative
constructions have been isolated from the phrases and sentences they were part of with the aim
of interpreting their translation into Albanian by comparing it to the original English structural
1
This type of classification is a functional one and covers only partially co-text functions of relative clauses in
Albanian. However, I would like to distinguish two very good recent monographies published in Tirana, one is on
Anaphora and another one on Relative Phrases in Albanian, by Çepani (2015) and Koleci (2013), from the
generativist perspective, which exemplify very well that there are cases when Albanian anaphoric elements are not
c-governed (a Government and Binding theory) and that Albanian anaphoric reflexives (vetvetja) bare the feminine
noun features, too (they are more independent than English reflexives).
3
�version. For the purpose of finding the more comprehensive equivalences and correspondences
between Albanian and English relative constructions, a corpus of 50 sentences from Ismail
Kadare’s novel “Ura me tri harqe” (The three-arched bridge), translated into English by John
Hodgson,has been extracted, too.
6. RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
Since English is quite analytical and Albanian belongs to a very flective language type, the
following research hypothesis could be drawn:
-
The translation of relative constructions from English into Albanian is more dispersed;
The relative constructions in Albanian have more possible structural forms;
Analysing relative constructions in their co-text provides more reliable results to the
translation method analysis.
7. RELATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS WITHOUT THEIR CO-TEXT (TRANSLATION
METHOD ANALYSIS): RESEARCH OUTCOMES AND DATA ANALYSIS
One of the most astonishing facts that were encountered during our interpretation of relative
constructions and their translations from one language into another is that more than ¼ of the
examples of translated sentences have been considered to be incorrectly translated. So, most of
corpus is being translated from relative integrated and supplementary clauses into fused relative
clauses (relativizer becomes a hidden element of the subordinate construction) or even Nominal
clause: Se si mund të jetohej brenda një kafazi me një tigër, kjo merrej lehtë me mend. (Kadare,
p.72); And it is well known what life is like with a tiger in its lair. (Kadare, p.107)
However, there were cases when the translator tried to preserve the structures used in Albanian
(Appositive Clauses were translated into Appositive Clauses): e.g.: Kam parandjenjën se do të
ndërrojë së shpejti fati i Arbrit. (Kadare, p.8); I have a premonition that the destiny of Arberia
will soon change, ... (Kadare, p.3).
Some of main findings of the study we conducted have been listed below:
1. The majority of English relative constructions have been translated into Albanian as
relative clauses, mainly non-restrictive and restrictive. Even in the cases of fused relatives
in English, the translation shows integrated and supplementary type of relatives in
Albanian. This implies that integrated, supplementary and cleft relatives in English
resemble structurally their Albanian translation correspondences, whereas fused relatives
do not correspond that much to their Albanian corresponding forms:
2. Another characteristic feature of English relative constructions is that they can take a
preposition before and after the relativizer (with few exceptions) whereas in Albanian its
typical position is before the relative word: me të cilin!
3. Non-finite clauses used with a relative meaning are typical for English, but in very cases
for Albanian. E.g.: The girl walking in your direction is my sister. / Vajza qw po ecw drejt
teje wshtw motra ime.(^duke ecur drejt teje)- subjunctive of standard Albanian (finite
4
�form); or Mendimi i tij pwr tw shkuar nw piknik ishte i drejtw.- infinitive of purpose,
appositive function, relativised partially).
There were even cases when the whole sentence was “sacrificed” for the sake of better
adaptation from English into Albanian, such as:
She scarcely noted the rhythm otherwise, except when it became pompous, at which moments she
was disagreeably impressed with its amateurishness. (Martin Eden, 166), and the zero
translation into Albanian. We suggest it could have been translated with a relative construction,
too: Përkundrazi, asaj nuk i bënte përshtypje të madhe intonacioni i fjalisë, përveç rasteve kur
amaterizmi i tij dukej sheshit. (authors’ translation)
An Albanian speaker can feel that the supplementary relative clauses had an open illocutionary
force (as supplementary relatives usually do) which was not transferred into Albanian, its
specification could have been a true or false proposition. Consequently, the illocutionary force
was not transmitted into Albanian in the same way as it was supposed to, sometimes it even got
lost in translation.
8. RELATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS WITHIN
INCLUSIVE TYPE OF ANALYSIS
THE
CO-TEXT
–
A
MORE
The direct translation method analysis, typical for most of the contrastive studies in FLT study
programmes in the countries of the Balkan region, and as such, being excluded from the co-text,
would be justified by any traditional grammarian as a very comprehensive method of
grammatical analysis. However, it would not ‘satisfy’ the real translation analysis, or the Text
Grammar Analysis.
So, in terms of text grammar studies, relative constructions could be treated as anaphoric
cohesive devices even in the situations when the antecedent is not used immediately before the
relative word: e.g. a) I met a man another day [who says (that he knows you)]; … who and he
refer to a man, but only who is a relative; or when the fused relative word has the anaphoric
element in itself (what=the thing that), similar to reflexives, which are typical anaphoric words
(Huddleston & Pullum, 2002: 1047): e.g. What you offered is not what we wanted! = (The thing
that you offered) is not (the thing that we wanted)!
In terms of Text Point of View and considering the last example, the relative word what could be
treated as a non-personal entity. It merges and fuses in itself the third person neutral / objective
NP the thing and the objective relative word that into one neutral word what – the later
representing an example of an objective view subordinator, trying to relate the speaker’s point of
view with its co-text: nobody knows what you offered if the subordinate clause what we wanted
is not given as its co-text. If a subordinate clause what we wanted presents concretization of what
you offered, it is still neutral in terms of expressing factors to which the speaker relates the
phenomena. However, the personal pronouns you and we (second person you addressing the
receiver (dialogical communication) and first person plural we which appears to relate to the
phenomena by placing the speaker in the sender group), tend to bring the co-text of this sentence
towards the subjective point of view, by excluding the receiver point of view (what we wanted is
5
�not fulfilled). In terms of its presentation, it can be regarded as a verbatim authentic text through
a direct speech style.
In terms of Focus, relative constructions could be classified into narrowing focus text producers
since they usually explain the substance of their antecedent, the voice of the relative clause is
active in this example, which shows that the action presented in the fused relative structure
results from animate phenomena and not from the outside context (Werlich, 1983). Regarding
the mode of the relative construction, the above-mentioned example has a negative mode: the
speaker assigns non-factual existence to the process of offering.
The text structuring of the relative constructions in the above-mentioned example is a co-textfree structure due to the agreement in number between the two fused relative constructions and
due to the successive tense forms used in both of them (past)! However, they can be considered
as co-text-bound constituents of a sentence having in mind the topical sequence forms of past
simple in both constructions as a sign of a narrative text form. In terms of Text typical idioms
(idioms referring here to the typical structural and constituent features of a text type), relative
constructions are considered to be clause expansions of the descriptive text idiom:
e.g. They were going out for a ride into the hills Sunday morning on their wheels, which did not
interest Martin until he learned that Ruth, too, rode a wheel and was not going alone (Martin
Eden, p.125); (Të dielën në mëngjes ata do të bënin një shëtitje me biçikleta nëpër kodrina. Kjo
në fillim s’i bëri ndonjë përshtypje Martinit por puna ndryshoi, kur mori vesh se Ruthi e ngiste
biçikletën dhe do të shkonte bashkë me të vëllezërit. (Martin Iden, p.107)
Relative constructions may, however, appear when specifying additional modification of the
antecedent by means of restrictive (integrated) Relative Constructions in the expository text
idiom expansion, too:
I can’t understand’he murmured,’ or maybe it’s the editors who can’t understand. (Martin Eden,
p. 184); S’po kuptoj dot gjë, pëshpëriti me vete. Ose ndoshta janë redaktorët e fletoreve ata që
nuk kuptojnë. (Martin Iden, p.172)
9. CONCLUSION
It has been proved that Albanian translation of relative constructions is more versatile in form
and has more possibilities of occurrence than in English due to the various functional categories
relative pronouns belong to in the sentence. The more detailed text analysis of relative
constructions in comparison to traditional contrastive analysis (without having considered the
grammatical elements, such as point of view, composition and text variety) proved to be more
supportive and more inclusive method of enhancing the quality of translation and text adaptation
from one language into another, too.
To sum up, a co-text analysis of relative clauses (text grammar analysis), very often incorporated
in contextual analysis (extralinguistic analysis of situational factors and socio-historical
circumstances shared by the communicants) give a more competence-based research. Text
grammar and Text linguistics must be an integrated part of curriculum in foreign language
6
�teaching in general, and particularly in translation studies. Both of them represent linguistic
communication acts and as such, they cannot be analysed isolated from their linguistic
environment, whether it be a pure linguistic or an extralinguistic one.
References:
ASHRSH. 1997. Gramatika e gjuhës shqipe I dhe II. Tiranë: IGJL
Çeliku M. 2012. Sintaksë e gjuhës shqipe (përbërësit sintaksorë). Tiranë: ILAR
De Beaugrande R. Dressler H. 1981. Introduction to Text Linguistics, London: Longman
Halliday M, Hasan R. 1976. Cohesion in English. London: Longman
Huddleston R. Pullum G. et al. 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge:
CUP
Quirk R, Greenbaum S, Leech G, Svartvik J. (1985). A Comprehensive Grammar of the English
Language. Essex: Longman
Prifti S. 1971. Sintaksa e gjuhës shqipe. Prishtinë: Enti i tekstevedhe i mjeteve
Rugova L. 2012c. Contrastive Analysis of Declarative Content Clauses in English and Albanian. In:
Albanologjia bashkëkohore: arritje dhe perspektivë . Sankt Peterburg. ILI RAN (338-352)
van Dijk T. 1977. Sentence topic and discourse topic. Papers in Slavic Philology 1, (49-61)
van Dijk T. 1979. New developments and problems in textlinguistics. In: J.S. Petöfi, (red.) Text vs.
Sentence. Basic questions of textlinguistics. Hamburg: Buske Verlag, 2 vols., (509-523)
van Dijk T. 1988. News as Discourse. Hove, London: Lawrence Erblaum
van Dijk. T. 2009. Society and Discourse. How Social Contexts influence Texts and Talk. New York:
Cambrigde University Press.
Werlich E. 1983. A Text Grammar of English. Stuttgart: Quelle&Meyer
7
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THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTRASTIVE TEXT STUDIES IN TRANSLATOLOGY
Author
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Sejdiu-Rugova, Lindita
Rugova, Bardh
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
The paper aims at bringing up a type of text linguistic analysis, different from traditional one, with the emphasis on the contrastive studies in general and on the English-Albanian cross-linguistic phenomena in particular. It will concentrate in explaining some of the most intriguing and most diverse text analysis elements having in mind the following text categories: Point of view, Composition, Text Idioms. A grammatical structure (Relative Constructions) has been examined thoroughly within the translation method analysis, out of and within the co-text analysis. It resulted in two different outcomes: traditional direct method analysis on one side and text linguistic co-text analysis on the other. Text linguistics as a special field of studies has been greatly developed due to the increased number of translations from one language into another. Text analysis, which relies on the deep description of micro and macro text elements of the text, is crucial for determining the level of translation accuracy of a particular text. Having in mind the relevance of recent discourse and pragmatic analyses impact in the development of interdisciplinary studies, the explanation of constituent elements of the written text is of great importance for the contrastive text studies or translation studies respectively.
Publisher
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International Burch University
Date
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2015-12
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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LOVE AND HATRED IN TWO LANGUAGES: CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS
Ivana Grabar & Ekaterina Kostina & Marijana Kolednjak
University North, Croatia & Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University, Russia
Article History:
Submitted: 11.06.2015
Accepted: 27.06.2015
Abstract:
Living in a world that has become a 'global village' makes different nations seem very similar we dress in a very similar way, we listen to the similar music, we sometimes even use the same
words. But how similar are we when it comes to understanding another person’s culture and
values related to some of the general notions, such as love and hatred? The authors of this paper
come from two countries that speak Slavic languages and are in many ways similar: Russia and
Croatia. This similarity initiated a cross-cultural research described further in the paper. The
authors have compared the meanings of two opposite notions (a value and an anti-value) - love
and hatred - with regard to the meaning and importance they have in these two countries and how
they are used in their respective languages. The definitions of the value love were collected from
various available dictionaries in different areas and then analyzed as semantic components. Then
the same procedure was conducted with the anti-value hatred. Since these semantic components
are used in sentences/phrases in Russian and Croatian in various ways, their comparison has been
made. Furthermore, students of two universities (one Russian and one Croatian) filled in a
questionnaire regarding the meaning these notions have for them. The purpose of the
questionnaire was to help the authors find out whether there are similarities/differences in how
these two notions are perceived in their respective countries and languages and whether their
meanings and importance for the culture differ. The obtained results will offer some insight into
the Russian and Croatian languages when compared on the linguistic and cultural level with
regard to a value and an anti-value.
Key words: (anti)values, (cross-) culture, language, love and hatred, semantic components.
�1. Introduction
As one of the consequences of globalization, people tend to be similar – there are no big
differences between people throughout the world with regard to what theywear, what kind of
music they listen to, what topics they talk about. But how similar are we when it comes to
understanding another person’s culture and values related to some of the general notions, such as
love and hatred?
In philosophy, culture is seen as something that members of a social group share (Prinz, 2011).
Since groups and therefore cultures differ, culture strives to the universality of human
development, which makes it designed for and subject to changes and transformations. Being
aware of differences among various cultures helps us understand how people behave and for what
reason. In order to understand the nature of a culture, we need to contrast it with other cultures;
therefore, the dialogue of cultures is needed. This cross-cultural interaction enables us to
understand people that belong to a culture different from our own. By understanding the culture,
we are able to communicate more effectively.
Even though the similarities among cultures are usually obvious, we sometimes have problems
when communicating since those differentiating characteristics become obvious only when
unexpected problems in communication appear. Cultural diversity can be overlooked: according
to Lewis (2006), romantic love is seen differently in France and Finland, and the English notion
of revenge bears little similarity to the Sicilian. In cultural studies, cultural communication is
seen as the way of cultural synthesis, i.e. creative acquisition of everything valuable presented in
one’s own culture and in others (Y.V. Bromley, 1974; S. I. Ryzhakova S. A. Arutyunov, 2004).
Since communication is the core of language learning, integrating culture in language education
has been a never-ending topic of discussion among language teachers, especially when it is
perceived as the consequence of globalization and therefore the necessity of understanding other
cultures (Lange & Paige, 2003).
It is of crucial importance in today’s pluralistic world to overcome ethnocentrism. In order to do
this, inter-disciplinary and cross-disciplinary integration is required for understanding reality.
One of the key concepts of philosophy today is the term cross-culturalness. D.B. Zilberman
(1996) and M.T. Stepanyants(1996) define it as a dialogue or pluralism of cultures. From the
�philosophical point of view, cross-culturalness contributes to a more precise understanding of the
cultural identity of a specific human society. The task that modern philosophy has is to reach the
level of the planetary community. When doing this, cross-cultural and universal values need to be
taken into consideration.
While trying to understand universal values, one should bear in mind a variety of unique cultures
of the peoples inhabiting our planet. The significance of human values should be realized by
people living in different cultures. This enables those wholive in a multinational, multicultural
society interact by being guided by the cross-cultural pluralist prerequisites. Therefore, people
should learn to understand foreign values and to transfer this knowledge and this valuable
experience of dealing with other cultures from generation to generation. This interaction between
cultures then serves as the basis for understanding the world. Within the framework of
intercultural dialogue a person faces many problems connected with the adequate transfer of
sense when dealing with people representing different cultures and possessing different universal
values.
Universal values represent a set of essential values that bind the individual to society and
contribute to the unity of man and the world. They have been created alongside the development
of the human civilization.However, for the moment there is no unambiguous wording of the
concept "universal values".In philosophical studies they distinguish cultural values (freedom,
creativity, love, communication, activity), moral values (the point of life and happiness,
goodness, duty, responsibility, conscience, honor, dignity), aesthetic values (the beautiful, the
sublime), religious values (faith), scientific (the truth), political values (peace, justice,
democracy), legal values (law and order). In the modern era of global change the values of
kindness and tolerance have become particularly important. Value orientations of a personality
explain many of today's events in the world.
Therefore, in order to establish a successful dialogue between cultures, the authors of this paper
believe that comparative cross-cultural studies of the values of different nations are needed. With
this in mind, it was intriguing to find out whether there is any difference (or similarity) between
two nationalities, Russian and Croatian, regarding the attitude towards two notions: a value love
and its anti-value hatred. Since these two represent a cultural value and its anti-value which are
probably the most universal of all, the authors expected there would not be many differences in
�the attitude towards love and hatred between these two nations. However, they were intrigued to
see whether the definitions of these two notions have a different importance when cross-cultural
comparison is made. In addition, they wanted to investigate whether these notions are perceived
in the same way between students studying programs in different scientific fields. The
background for this interest comes from the years of experience in teaching but also in the
scientific evidence – there has been evidence that the brains of science and humanities students
differ (Takeuchi, et al., 2014).
2. Methodology
The study was conducted in the winter semester of the academic year 2014/2015. The
participants of the research were 142 Russian and Croatian students of two universities:
Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University (NSPU) in Russia and University North (UNIN) in
Croatia (Figure 1). There were 66 male and 78 female students (Figure 2) of approximately the
same age– the average age of participants was20. The students of these two universities study
programs belonging to three scientific fields: humanities, technical sciences and social sciences,
with the Russian students belonging to humanities and the Croatian to technical and social
sciences (Figure 3).
Croatian
29%
71%
46%
54%
Russian
Figure 1.Nationality of participants
Male
Female
Figure 2. Gender of participants
Technical
sciences
29%
27%
44%
Social
sciences
Humanities
Figure 3. Scientific field that participants belong to
�Definitions of a value love and its anti-value hatred were collected from different Russian and
Croatian sources: monolingual dictionaries and encyclopedias from the fields of philosophy,
psychology, theology, and general encyclopedia. The authors translated the explanations of the
obtained semantic components into English and after a thorough comparison, 16 definitions of
love and 7 definitions of hatred were singled out from all the used sources. These definitions
were then used as statements of a questionnaire which was given to the participants. They were
asked to choose a number on a Likert scale from 1 to 5, where number 1 was equal to ‘I strongly
disagree’ and 5 to ‘I strongly agree’. The data was collected during the regular lessons at the
universities (English language and Philosophy) and was later analyzed by using the software
SPSS. Chi-square test has been conducted, with p<0.01.
3. Results and discussion
When analyzing the results, the authors wanted to see whether there were any statements that
students preferred or opted for more frequently or they chose higher values. Therefore, the
frequencies of the statements have been calculated. According to the analyzed results, the
students marked three statements describing love with the dominant value of 5 – love as a
complex emotion; love as a state of caring (giving and sacrificing for another person); and love as
a desire to be present in the life of the other person (Table 1).
Table 1. Frequencies of definitions of love
LOVE – definition
N
Mo
state of dependence on another person
3
state of longing for another person
4
complex emotion
5
state of caring (giving and sacrificing for another person)
5
force that causes reconciliation
condition of reflection by presenting the loss of oneself
144
4
3
active influence
4
intention (act of will)
4
inclination towards good
4
form of sociability (relations based on natural biological sexual drive)
4
�ambivalence of attitudes
3
cardinal virtue (chastity)
3
self-giving (the act of complete giving)
4
emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs
3
feeling physiologically determined by sexual needs
4
desire to be present in the life of the other person
5
With regard to hatred, two definitions were marked with the highest value by the majority of
students: hatred as a deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of anger, and hatred as a
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of hostility (Table 2). The other definitions were
marked by most of the students with value 3 (I neither agree nor disagree).
Table 2. Frequencies of definitions of hatred
HATRED - definition
N
Mo
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of anger
5
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of hostility
5
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of disgust
3
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of desire to cause the object pain
3
or harm
deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of repulsion
deep emotional attitude characterized by persecution and harassment of the
144
3
3
object of hatred
aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant
3
situation in which the object of hatred is
These results show that when it comes to the notion of love, the students have agreed or strongly
agreed with the definitions they were offered with. As it regards hatred, they were less ready to
agree with the statements – most of them were indifferent to them. However, they seem to
associate hatred mostly with feelings of anger and hostility.
�When we look at the statements that most of the students strongly agreed with (Figures 4 and 5),
we see that the definition of love as the state of caring can be chosen as the definition that most of
the students agree with. On the other hand, the definition of hatred is not as ‘clear-cut’ – the
values that the students have chosen show more similarity. However, we noticed that they relate
hatred mostly to the feeling of anger.
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
strongly disagree
disagree
neither agree nor disagree
agree
complex
emotion
state of caring
desire to be
present in the
life of the
other person
strongly agree
Figure 4.Frequencies of definitions of love marked with the highest value by the majority of the
students
60
50
strongly disagree
40
disagree
30
neither agree nor disagree
20
agree
10
strongly agree
0
deep emotional attitude
deep emotional attitude
characterized by feeling of characterized by feeling of
anger
hostility
Figure 5.Frequencies of definitions of hatred marked with the highest value by the majority of
the students
�In order to find out whether there are any statistically significant differences regarding the
nationality and the field of study in relation to the statements, we looked at all the statements
(definitions of love and of hatred). The obtained data has been analyzed using the SPSS software
–a chi-square test has been conducted and we opted for the p<0.01 since this allows only a 1%
chance that the deviation is due to chance alone.
The results showed statistically significant difference with regard to nationality for only two of
the statements: love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs
and hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant
situation in which the object of hatred is.
Table 3 shows the statistical significance of results of dependence of love as an emotionally
positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs with regard to nationality. It can be
seen that majority of Croatians opted for value 3 and Russians for value 4. Moreover, only 19%
of Russians opted for 3 compared to 51% of Croatians. Only 8.8% of Croatians opted for value 5
compared to 31% of Russians. It has to be mentioned that the mode value for this definition was
equal to 3 – the reason for that might be the fact that the opinion of Croatians prevailed maybe
because there were more Croatians than Russian students.
�Table 3.Love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital
needs with regard to nationality
Love as an emotionally positive
attitude to an object in the center of
the vital needs with regard to
nationality
Nationality Croatia
n
1
2
3
4
5
Total
Count
4
8
52
29
9
102
% within
3,9%
7,8% 51,0% 28,4% 8,8%
100,0%
80,0% 61,5% 86,7% 65,9% 40,9%
70,8%
% of Total
2,8%
70,8%
Count
1
Nationality
% within attitude
Russian
% within
5,6% 36,1% 20,1% 6,3%
5
8
15
13
42
2,4% 11,9% 19,0% 35,7% 31,0%
100,0%
20,0% 38,5% 13,3% 34,1% 59,1%
29,2%
Nationality
% within attitude
Total
% of Total
,7%
3,5%
Count
5
13
% within
3,5%
5,6% 10,4% 9,0%
60
44
22
29,2%
144
9,0% 41,7% 30,6% 15,3%
100,0%
100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0
100,0%
Nationality
% within attitude
%
% of Total
3,5%
%
%
%
%
9,0% 41,7% 30,6% 15,3%
100,0%
Table 4 shows the results of dependence of nationality and hatred as aspiration to cause pain and
feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred is.
Again, most of the Croatians opted for value 3 and Russians for value 4.
�Table 4.Hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an
unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred finds him/her
Hatred as aspiration to cause pain and
feel the satisfaction that results from an
unpleasant situation in which the object
of hatred is
Nationality Croatia
n
1
2
3
4
5
Total
17
16
40
10
18
101
39,6%
9,9%
17,8%
100,0%
65,4% 69,6%
85,1%
40,0%
81,8%
70,6%
11,9% 11,2%
28,0%
7,0%
12,6%
70,6%
7
15
4
42
16,7%
35,7%
9,5%
100,0%
34,6% 30,4%
14,9%
60,0%
18,2%
29,4%
% of Total
6,3%
4,9%
4,9%
10,5%
2,8%
29,4%
Count
26
23
47
25
22
143
32,9%
17,5%
15,4%
100,0%
Count
% within Nationality 16,8% 15,8%
% within painsatisfaction
% of Total
Russia
n
Count
9
7
% within Nationality 21,4% 16,7%
% within painsatisfaction
Total
% within Nationality 18,2% 16,1%
% within painsatisfaction
% of Total
100,0 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0%
%
18,2% 16,1%
32,9%
17,5%
15,4%
100,0%
There was no statistically significant difference in the choice of the statements regarding the
scientific field, neither for love nor hatred.
4. Conclusion
The present world shows an amazing variety of cultures, both in terms of values and in terms of
practices. Culture is a collective phenomenon since it is at least partly shared with people who
�live or lived within the same social environment. It consists of the unwritten rules of the social
game. Culture is learned, not innate. On the other hand, values are implicit: they belong to the
invisible software of our minds. Additionally, values are the deepest manifestations of culture.
Hence, the core of culture is formed by values. Values are broad tendencies to prefer certain
states of affairs over others. Talking about our own values is difficult, because it implies
questioning our motives, emotions, and taboos. Our own culture is to us like the air we breathe,
while another culture is like water – it takes special skills to be able to survive in both elements
(Hofstede G., Hofstede G. J., Minkov M, 2010).
Although students in this survey are from two different countries and are students of different
fields of study, the final results show a similarity between the attitude of the Russian and Croatian
students regarding the definitions of love and hatred. An interesting fact that speaks in favor of
the similarity between these two cultures is that the authors, when trying to find the definitions of
these (anti)-values, had problems with finding the definitions of hatred – there are different
descriptions of love and only several of hatred. That is the reason why there are sixteen
definitions of love and only seven of hatred. The authors explain this discrepancy with the fact
that there are different relations that we describe as love (love towards our friends, siblings,
spouse, etc.) whereas hatred is less complicated to describe it.
Moreover, the perception of love and hatred is very similar in these two cultures (nationalities)
and in the fields of science. Therefore, this shows that love and hatred are universal values –
values perceived in a similar way.
These results confirm the (null) hypothesis that there are no differences between nationalities or
scientific fields when it comes to the level of agreement with the statements/definitions of love
and hatred. Minor statistically significant differences were obtained with the aforementioned two
statements. Therefore, we could conclude that we ARE talking about universal values. However,
we should be aware that the research described in this paper has its limitations with regard to the
number of respondents – the majority of respondents are Croatian and the Croatian opinion
prevailed as the opinion of majority. Consequently, the authors suggest conducting the same
research with more participants from more cultures/nationalities. The data would give an insight
into the perception of love and hatred as universal values from various points of view, i.e. points
of view of various nationalities.
�References:
Bromley, Y.V. (1974). Races and Peoples: Contemporary Ethnic and Racial Problems. Central
Books Ltd.
Hofstede G., Hofstede G. J., Minkov M. (2010). Cultures and Organization.Software of the
Mind.Intercultural Cooperation and Its Importance for Survival. New York: McGraw Hill.
Lange, D. L., & Paige, R. M. (2003). Culture as the Core: Perspectives on Culture in Second
Language Learning. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.
Lewis, R. D. (2006). When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures. Boston, MA: Nicholas
Brealey Publishing.
Prinz, J. (2011). Culture and Cognitive Science. Retrieved from The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/culture-cogsci/
Stepanyants,M.T.(1996). The east and the west, the 7th philosophical conference held in
Honolulu, Hawaii, United-States, January 1995, Voprosy filosofii, (3), pp. 143-150
Takeuchi, H., Taki, Y., Sekiguchi, A., Nouchi, R., Kotozaki, Y., Nakagawa, S., Kawashima, R.
(2014). Brain structures in the sciences and humanities. Brain structure & function.
Zilberman, D.B. (1996). Tradition as communication - translation of values and written language,
Voprosyfilosofii, (4), pp. 76-105.
Ryzhakova,S. I.,Arutyunov,S. A. (2004). Kulturnaiaantropologiia.Ves’ Mir.
�
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LOVE AND HATRED IN TWO LANGUAGES: CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS
Author
Author
Grabar, Ivana
Kostina, Ekatarina
Kolednjak, Marijana
Abstract
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Living in a world that has become a 'global village' makes different nations seem very similar - we dress in a very similar way, we listen to the similar music, we sometimes even use the same words. But how similar are we when it comes to understanding another person’s culture and values related to some of the general notions, such as love and hatred? The authors of this paper come from two countries that speak Slavic languages and are in many ways similar: Russia and Croatia. This similarity initiated a cross-cultural research described further in the paper. The authors have compared the meanings of two opposite notions (a value and an anti-value) - love and hatred - with regard to the meaning and importance they have in these two countries and how they are used in their respective languages. The definitions of the value love were collected from various available dictionaries in different areas and then analyzed as semantic components. Then the same procedure was conducted with the anti-value hatred. Since these semantic components are used in sentences/phrases in Russian and Croatian in various ways, their comparison has been made. Furthermore, students of two universities (one Russian and one Croatian) filled in a questionnaire regarding the meaning these notions have for them. The purpose of the questionnaire was to help the authors find out whether there are similarities/differences in how these two notions are perceived in their respective countries and languages and whether their meanings and importance for the culture differ. The obtained results will offer some insight into the Russian and Croatian languages when compared on the linguistic and cultural level with regard to a value and an anti-value.
Publisher
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International Burch University
Date
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2015-09
Keywords
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Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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WORD CLASS AND TEXTUAL FUNCTIONS OF ANTONYMS: A CORPUS STUDY
Nataša Kostić
University of Montenegro, Montenegro
Article History:
Submitted: 06.06.2015
Accepted: 27.06.2015
Abstract
Antonymy is traditionally regarded as a paradigmatic relation, but recent studies of antonym co–
occurrence in written discourse have shown that it can be investigated as a syntagmatic relation
as well. Such investigations in the Untagged electronic corpus of Serbian identified two major
and four minor functions of antonyms in discourse and its accompanying lexico-syntactic
patterns, matching the results of similar analyses in English, Japanese, Swedish and Dutch. This
paper presents a research on the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g.
adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written
discourse. It is hypothesized that language users employ antonymous pairs in text irrespective of
their grammatical class. The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not
influenced by word class as significantly as one might expect.
Key words: antonymy, word class, textual function, antonymous pattern
�1. Introduction
Although the term antonymy is in some of the literature confined to binary opposition
between contrary meanings in language, such as ‘hot/cold’, as opposed to complementaries
(‘true/false’) and other opposites in language, such as ‘buy/sell’ or ‘come/go’ (e.g. Lyons, 1977;
Lehrer & Lehrer, 1982; Cruse, 1986; Justeson & Katz, 1991; Murphy & Andrew, 1993;
Fellbaum, 1995; Jones, 2002), it is in this article used for all form–meaning pairings that occur in
binary semantic contrast in language use. Empirical investigations of antonymy in Serbian and
English electronic corpora (Kostić, 2011, 2013), have shown that phrasal contexts in which
antonyms are used in both Serbian and English written discourse are relatively stable and that at
least some of the most frequent ones can be viewed as potential triggers of contrast relation in
discourse. As Jones (2002) has also suggested, functions of antonyms do not vary in every new
context but are systematic and receptive to categorization. The majority of functional classes of
antonymy that he has been able to define in his English corpus of journalistic texts can also
account for antonymous usage retrieved from the corpus of Serbian, suggesting that contexts of
antonymous usage may be structured similarly across languages. This paper aims to investigate
the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g. adjectives, nouns, verbs,
adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written discourse.
2. Theoretical background
This paper is based on Murphy’s (2003) theoretical model of antonymy (as well as all
other lexico-semantic relations) in which antonym relation obtains between words in use.
Antonymic relation is defined on the basis of minimal difference formulated in the relational
principle Relation by Contrast-Lexical Contrast which states that: “A lexical contrast set includes
only word-concepts that have all the same contextually relevant properties but one” (Murphy,
2003, p. 170). The differences among antonyms’ entailment relations are due to differences in
the semantic structure of the individual words. Those that can be either complementary or
contrary describe states that can be conceptualized as all-or-nothing or scalar. Murphy argues
that antonymy is conceptual in nature and antonym pairs are always subject to contextual
constraints. She also admits that there seems to be a small set of words with special lexicosemantic attraction that are entrenched in memory and perceived as strongly coupled pairings by
speakers that she refers to as canonical antonyms.
�Corpus–based approaches to antonymy are mostly done in English. Justeson and Katz
analyzed the use of adjectival antonymous pairs in the one million Brown corpus of English and
showed that “adjectives do indeed tend to co–occur in the same sentence as their antonyms far
more frequently than expected by chance” (Justeson & Katz, 1991, p. 18). Fellbaum (1995)
conducted the first large scale corpus work that looked at a wider class of antonym pairs,
including nouns and verbs and found that antonyms in both groups co–occurred in the same
sentence significantly more often than by chance. The largest and most systematic study of
discourse functions of English antonyms is provided by Jones (2002) who described the contexts
in which 56 antonym pairs co–occurred in the corpus of 280 million words taken from the
Independent newspaper in the period of eight years (1988–1996). Just like Fellbaum, Jones noted
the existence of lexical and syntactic frames in which antonyms co–occur but he also gave an in–
depth analysis and classification of the discourse functions performed by antonyms in such
frames. These discourse categories have been found in other genres (spoken English [Jones,
2006, 2007]) and registers of English (child and child–directed speech [Jones & Murphy, 2005;
Murphy & Jones, 2008]) and other languages (Swedish [Murphy et al., 2009], Japanese
[Muehleisen & Isono, 2009] and Serbian [Kostić, 2011]).
3. Word class and textual functions of antonyms
With an aim to identify phrasal contexts in which antonyms co–occur in Serbian written
discourse, as well as to classify their main textual functions, Kostić (2011) made a systematic
description of phrasal contexts in which canonical antonyms co–occur in the Untagged electronic
corpus of the Serbian language. Fifty canonical antonymous pairs were pre–chosen (30
adjectives, 6 nouns, 6 verbs, 6 adverbs and 2 prepositions) and all the sentences (a total of 4,903)
in which these pairs co–occurred were analyzed in order to establish the role of the antonymous
pair and its lexical and syntactic context. The sentences were grouped according to the textual
function of the antonymous phrase in the given context. The lexical and syntactic environment
common to the functions of antonyms in text will be referred to as antonymous pattern, a
“formulaic structure in which certain grammatical and content words systematically house both
members of an antonymous pair” (Kostić, 2011, p. 518). Since the phenomenon of antonymy is
not restricted to a single word class, the list of antonyms searched for in the corpus contained
antonymous adjectives, as well as nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions. This paper aims to
�investigate whether the function of antonymy in text is related to word class, and, if it is, what is
the relation between grammatical categories that antonyms belong to and their roles in sentential
contexts. In order to do this, a total of 4,903 sentences was broken down according to word
classes. Table 1 presents the distribution of sentences in relation to word class and functions of
antonyms in text:
Table 1: Functions of antonyms by word class (raw frequency and percentages)
Other
(%)
Idiom
(%)
X–Y
(%)
Mutual
exclusivit
y (%)
Comparis
on (%)
Change
(%)
Distinctio
n (%)
Lexical
trigger of
contrast
Inclusiven
(%)(%)
ess
Adj.
Total
1,292
1,018
126
102
56
73
92
236
88
(41.9)
(33)
(4.1)
(3.3)
(1.8)
(2.4)
(3)
(7.5)
(3)
492
225
60
53
29
78
3
80
54
(45.8)
(21)
(5.6)
(4.9)
(2.7)
(7.3)
(0.3)
(7.4)
(5)
172
115
-
-
4
7
1
5
-
304
(56.6)
(37.8)
(1.3)
(2.3)
(0.3)
(1.7)
Adver
203
104
3
3
2
2
48
13
4
382
bs
(53.2)
(27.2)
(0.8)
(0.8)
(0.5)
(0.5)
(12.6)
(3.4)
(1)
Prep.
32
24
-
-
2
2
-
-
-
60
(53.4)
(40)
(3.3)
(3.3)
2,191
1,486
189
158
93
162
144
334
146
4,903
(44,7)
(30,3)
(3.9)
(3.2)
(1.9)
(3.3)
(2.9)
(6.8)
(3)
Nouns
Verbs
Total
3,083
1,074
3.1 Inclusiveness
Antonyms are in this function used to indicate the inclusion of the whole semantic
dimension to which the pair belongs. This is the most frequent role in Serbian corpus, as it is
present in almost one half of all examples. It is also the most widespread since all fifty pairs
�examined are used in this function at least once. Though some variation arises regarding the
extent to which the function of inclusiveness is pervasive across different word classes, there is
no doubt that it does arise in all word classes examined. For example:
(1) Poslednji trijumf Novosađana propraćen je lepim, ali i ružnim stvarima koje su čini
se neminovni pratilac našeg boksa. (antonymous adjectives)
‘The latest victory of the team from Novi Sad was accompanied by both beautiful and
ugly things that always seem to be present in our boxing sport.’
(2) Dučić je našao večni mir stigavši na Crkvinu, na breg smrti i života. (antonymous
nouns)
‘Dučić finally found his eternal peace upon arriving to Crkvina, the hill of death and
life.’
(3) Reke čoveku daju, ali i uzimaju. (antonymous verbs)
‘The rivers can both give and take.’
(4) Mnogo je bivših asova ovog kluba koji su tu, blizu, ali i daleko od kluba u kojem su
proveli najlepše godine života. (antonymous adverbs)
‘There are a lot of former athletes of this club who are there, both near and far from the
club where they have spent the best days of their lives.’
(5) Vatra je progutala celu šumu iznad, ali i ispod puta. (antonymous prepositions)
‘The fire has engulfed the entire forest both above and under the road.’
These examples testify that the immediate environment of each antonymous pair remains
unaffected by grammatical class and that the function of the antonymous framework is similar in
each example: regardless of whether the antonyms are adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs or
prepositions, they always signify inclusiveness or exhaustiveness when inserted into this
framework.
3.2 Lexical trigger of contrast
Antonyms can be used as means of generating contrast between another pair of words,
phrases or clauses in the same sentence. Antonyms are the most important signals of contrast
owing to the possibility to be used as parameters of simultaneous similarity and difference and
�establish another pair as the contrasting one within the same conceptual dimension. This function
of antonyms appears to cross grammatical class, as the following examples illustrate:
(6) Ovo hapšenje je najodvažniji korak novih vlasti u izvođenju pripadnika starog
režima pred pravdu. (ant. adjectives)
‘This arrest is the bravest action of the new authorities in order to take to the court the
members of the old regime.’
(7) To je bio kraj slobode i početak ropstva pod Turcima. (ant. nouns)
‘That was the end of liberty and the beginning of slavery under the Turks’.
(8) U Srbiji, pak, vlast uvek dobija, a opozicija uvek gubi izbore. (ant. verbs)
‘In Serbia, the position always wins and the opposition always loses the elections.’
(9) Sledeći tom ove knjige je nova vrsta izazova jer je mnogo zvanih, malo odabranih.
(ant. adverbs)
‘The next volume of the book is a new kind of challenge since many are called, few are
chosen.’
(10) S vrha lestvica mogao je iznad sebe videti sve Brahmaloke, a ispod sebe je video
dubine Pakla. (ant. prepositions)
‘From the top of the ladder he could see all the Brahmaloke above himself and the
depths of the Hell below.’
3.3 Distinction
Antonyms can mark the parameters of a distinction, either literally or metaphorically,
with an aim to emphasise the existence of some kind of difference. In the group of sentences that
contain antonyms marking the parameters of a distinction, some word classes were not found in
my database. This function of antonyms seems to be suitable for adjectives and nouns, and only
marginally for adverbs, whereas there were not any examples featuring antonymous verbs or
prepositions. This distribution across word classes could be the consequence of the lexicosyntactic pattern itself, which is more suitable for expressing the difference between things rather
than between actions. Pairs of nouns and noun modifiers (i.e. adjectives) are differentiated
between more frequently than pairs of verbs (and their modifiers).The following sentences
illustrate this:
�(11) Neće li to zamagliti razliku između “teških” i “lakih” tema? (ant. adjectives)
‘Isn't that going to blurr the difference between “difficult” and “easy” topics?’
(12) I gde je razlika između istine i laži? (ant. nouns)
‘And where is the difference between a truth and a lie?’
(13) Velika provalija Slovence poslednjih godina deli na levo i desno orjentisane. (ant.
adverbs)
‘There is a huge gap that has recently kept the Slovene divided into the left and the right
oriented.’
3.4 Change
Antonyms can be used in contexts in which they mark the starting and ending points of a
change, either from one place or time period to another or from one state to another. The change
can also be a metaphorical transition when one talks about transformation from one state to
another. Antonyms are especially suitable for this role, as they occupy opposing poles along the
same dimension of similarity. These contexts are also restricted to the classes of adjectives,
nouns and only marginally adverbs. The following examples serve as an illustration:
(14) Dešava se da ove lake bolesti pređu u teške, kao što su je meningitis. (ant. adj.)
‘It happens that these harmless diseases can turn into the harmful ones, such as
meningitis.’
(15) Rat je iz svog početka prerastao direktno u svoj kraj. (ant. nouns.)
‘The war has, from its beginning, directly turned into its end.’
(16) Jer ono što mi se činilo jako daleko sada je postalo blizu. (ant. adverbs)
‘What seemed to be very far away has now become very near.’
3.5 Comparison
Antonyms can help create comparison along the dimension to make a point in the context
in which they are used. All these phrasal contexts involve the use of comparative structure, either
in the form više x nego y ‘more x than y’ or comparative form of certain adjective can either
�precede antonyms or appear between them, followed by od ‘than’. The following examples
illustrate all five word classes used to create comparison between antonymous concepts:
(17) To je ona generacija, više sita nego gladna. (ant. adj.)
‘That generation is more full than hungry.’
(18) U svetu “koji u zlu leži”, mržnje je bilo uvek više nego ljubavi. (ant. nouns)
‘In a world full of evil, hate has always been more pervasive than love.’
(19) Dakle, iz naše države više se izlazilo nego što se u nju ulazilo. (ant. verbs)
‘Consequently, the number of people who left the country is higher than the number of
people who entered.’
(20) E, znaš, da si još napornija kada si daleko nego kada si blizu. (ant. adverbs)
‘Just to let you know, you are even more difficult when you are far away than when you
are near.’
(21) Maldivi su više ispod nego iznad mora. (ant. prepositions)
‘The Maldive Islands are situated more below than above the sea level.’
Grammatical class seems to hold relatively little influence over the semantic and pragmatic
function served by antonymy in these examples. Such flexibility of word class confirms that the
antonymous pairs in the sentences above appear to have been chosen more because of their
conceptual opposition than because of any grammatical criteria.
3.6 Mutual exclusivity
Antonyms can imply mutual exclusivity within the context in which they are used. In
such contexts one member of the pair is negated, typically in the phrase x, a ne y ‘x, and not y’
and ne x, (već) y ‘not x, (but) y’. The omission of the y element in the following sentence would
certainly detract from its intended rhetorical effect:
(22) Nenadovi su bili novi a ne stari stanari. (ant. adj.)
‘Nenad’s family was new and not old neighbour.’
(23) “To je trougao ljubavi, a ne mržnje”, kaže on, izlazeći iz svog dvora. (ant. nouns)
‘It is a tringle of love, and not hate, he said coming out of his castle.’
�(24) Obe ste lepe i šarmantne, prirodno je da ništa ne dobijate, već da gubite. (ant. verbs)
‘You are both beautiful and charming, and it is natural that you don’t receive but lose.’
(25) Oltar se nalazio ispred apside a ne iza. (ant. prepositions)
‘The altar was in front of the apse, and not behind.’
In all such cases the insertion of the second member of the antonymous pair is essential if the
writer wants to convey the intended meaning. It is not surprising that antonyms are exploited to
achieve such rhetorical effect. The textual functions of implying mutual exclusivity crosses all
word class boundaries and, despite a relatively small number of sentences extracted from the
corpus, it yields a fairly even distribution of antonyms across grammatical classes.
The data in Table 1 also provide the frequencies of two very specific uses of antonyms
that have not been ascribed to any of the functions, namely the contexts in which antonyms are
hyphenated (‘X–Y’, e.g. muško-ženske razlike ‘male-female differences’) and the contexts in
which antonyms are part of a well known idiom (e.g. kako došlo tako i otišlo ‘easy come easy
go’). The frequency of these contexts in any databse depends on the pairs chosen for analysis,
since some adjectival, nominal and adverbial pairs from my list are rather often used in such
contexts (e.g. adjectival pair crni/beli ‘black/white’ referring to the football club Partisan,
adverbial pair levo/desno ‘left/right’ in the phrase gledati levo-desno ‘to look left and right’, etc.)
4. Conclusion
Starting from the notion of antonymous pattern, that refers to relatively stable phrasal
contexts of antonym co-occurrence in the sentence, adjectival, nominal, verbal, adverbial and
prepositional antonyms were investigated in the corpus of contemporary Serbian language, with
an aim to establish whether the word class to which the antonymous pair belongs influences the
functions that antonyms serve in text. Data evidence some correlation, but this correlation is
relatively minor. In all five word classes examined, at least 60% of sentences fall into one of the
two major textual functions of antonyms, and in all five word classes the former is more frequent
than the latter. On the other hand, some textual functions of antonymy avoid certain word classes
entirely (at least in my database) because it is grammatically difficult to house such words within
their associated frameworks. In marking the parameters of a distinction and in marking starting
and ending points of a change or a transition, there were no verbal and prepositional pairs in my
�database. This may suggest that textual functions profile of antonymous verbs and prepositions is
slightly different from the profile of other parts of speech. However, there is not any other minor
textual function that shares this trait, in which word class distributions are mostly consistent.
The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not influenced by word class as
significantly as one might expect. Language users employ antonymy to serve much the same
semantic and pragmatic purposes, regardless of whether those antonyms are adjectives, nouns,
adverbs, verbs or prepositions. Being a conceptual relation, antonymy is not only a relation
which crosses word classes, it is to the largest degree a relation which functions irrespective of
word class.
�References
Cruse, D. A. (1986). Lexical semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Fellbaum, C. (1995). Co-occurrence and antonymy. International Journal of Lexicography, 8(4),
281-303.
Jones, S. (2002). Antonymy: a corpus-based perspective. London and New York: Routledge.
Jones, S. (2006). Antonym co-occurrence in spoken English. Text and Talk, 26(2), 191-216.
Jones, S. (2007). ’Opposites’ in discourse: A comparison of antonym use across four
domains. Journal of Pragmatics, 39(6), 1105-1119.
Jones, S., & Murphy, M. L. (2005). Using corpora to investigate antonym acquisition.
International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 10(3), 401-422.
Justeson, J. S., & Katz, S. M. (1991). Co-occurrences of antonymous adjectives and their
contexts. Computational linguistics, 17, 1-19.
Kostić, N. (2011). Antonymous frameworks in Serbian written discourse: phrasal contexts of
antonym co–occurrence in text. Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 47(3),
509-537.
Kostić, N. (2013). Antonimija u diskursu. [Antonymy in Discourse]. Podgorica: University of
Montenegro.
Lehrer, A., & Lehrer, K. (1982). Antonymy. Linguistics and Philosophy, 5(4), 483-501.
Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Muehleisen, V., & Isono, M. (2009). Antonymous adjectives in Japanese discourse.
Journal of Pragmatics, 41(11), 2185-2203.
Murphy, G. L., & Andrew, J. M. (1993). The conceptual basis of antonymy and synonymy in
adjectives. Journal of Memory and Language, 32(3), 301-319.
Murphy, M. L. (2003). Semantic relations and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Murphy, M. L., & Jones, S. (2008). Antonyms in children’s and child-directed speech. First
Language, 28(4), 403-430.
�Murphy, M. L., Paradis, C., Willners, C., & Jones, S. (2009). Discourse functions of antonymy: a
cross linguistic investigation of Swedish and English. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(11),
2159-2184.
Ogden, C. K. (1967). Opposition: a linguistic and psychological analysis. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
�
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WORD CLASS AND TEXTUAL FUNCTIONS OF ANTONYMS: A CORPUS STUDY
Author
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Kostić, Nataša
Abstract
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Antonymy is traditionally regarded as a paradigmatic relation, but recent studies of antonym co–occurrence in written discourse have shown that it can be investigated as a syntagmatic relation as well. Such investigations in the Untagged electronic corpus of Serbian identified two major and four minor functions of antonyms in discourse and its accompanying lexico-syntactic patterns, matching the results of similar analyses in English, Japanese, Swedish and Dutch. This paper presents a research on the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g. adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written discourse. It is hypothesized that language users employ antonymous pairs in text irrespective of their grammatical class. The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not influenced by word class as significantly as one might expect.
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International Burch University
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2015-09
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Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE
Lendita Kryeziu
University of Gjakova & University of Prishtina, Kosovo
Article History:
Submitted: 12.06.2015
Accepted: 30.06.2015
Abstract
Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous
sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between
women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and
difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This
paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in
Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying
the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and
Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences
through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal
response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc.
Key words: language, gender difference, discourse, dominance, interruptions.
�1. Introduction
Throughout history in different cultures, religions, and nations existed stereotypical belief that
women speak more than men as well as sayings that women should not speak in public, but
leave that to men, in other words: ‘women are words and men are actions’. Even today in the
Kosovo’s institution such as the parliament of Kosovo, in which women are presented in
percentage of 30% have been distributed some folders to its members which included some
proverbs dedicated to women, some of them being very discriminating and prejudicial towards
women’s character such as:”Silence is the only gold that women posses” and “Silence and
modesty are the women’s most beautiful jewelry” Very controversial sayings for women who
are supposed to represent people’s interest by discussing in the parliament’s podium. Moreover
the women’s network of Kosova on the other side reacted at the declaration of the vice prime
minister of Kosova, Hajredin Kuçi in the last session of the assembly who stated that:” he does
not want to deal with women, but with men” (Tahiri.L: 2013)
That woman are talkative and speak more than men, there are many sayings in English and
Albanian that support this belief: “There are two types of women, those that speak always, and
those that never remain silent” (O. Wild), and “Women have become talkative because of the
man’s power that deprived them of everything except of the tongue” (J.Xoxa)
Do women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets
the floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from
the language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences?
What are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is
more prestigious, the women’s or the men’s? These are the questions that will be addressed in
this research and the answers to these research questions will be sought through ought the
research.
2. Literature Review about Language and Gender
There are some early recordings on the difference between women’s and men’s language variety
in Albanian according to the foreign Albanologist Maximilian Lambertz, who succeeded in
introducing us the spoken variant of the Maliza Arbresh, while penetrating in their social ‘tissue’.
�He is the first of the dialectologists who studied the mixture of the Arbresh language with that of
Italian, while distinguishing women’s language.
He stated that:”Language of every Arberesh individual is traversed by Italian elements the more
he moves out of his village, and has to deal with Italians. Because of this reason, women’s
language is purer for some degrees than that of men’s” (M.Lambertz, 1923) cited in (Gj.Shkurtaj
, 2009 ;365)
Similarly Albanian men of Mandrica (Bulgaria) because of their business dealings and
encounters with Greeks, Bulgarians, and Turks were polyglots in contrast to women who were
not able to speak different languages.
Thus, according to Bojka Sokolova(1967) cited in GJ. Shkurtaj ; Albanian women of Mandrica,
and elsewhere in Albanian and Arbresh Diaspora, have always shown an emphasized spirit in
preserving native language and other ethno cultural features of their mother land . We have to
deal here with the phenomenon which can be exemplified with the conditions which these
women were subjugated to in the past by not attending school, not leaving their place for a long
time, and having nothing to do with Bulgarians or other nationalities. For these reasons,
nowadays you can find in Mandrica older women that are not able to speak Bulgarian but they
speak a pure Albanian instead.
While, in relation to language perseverance and conservativism ,Jespersen states that women are
more conservative than men, they keep the traditional language that they learnt from their
parents and they hand on to their children, while innovations are due to the initiative of men
(Cameron, D 1998:229).
Mainly because of the differences that existed between men and women, regarding tradition,
labor division, temperament and character in Albanian region, cities and villages, these
differences existed in speaking varieties as well, such as; terminology, lexical choices that
women used in their daily life, housework, cooking, cleaning, baby talk towards their children
etc.
�On the other hand, with the improvement of social conditions for women, education,
employment, gender equality, the development of internet and technology, these differences
became smaller, while women gaining a new status in all social spheres of life.
2.1 Language cross gender differences influenced by powerlessness awareness.
That women are less powerful than men in life, public sphere and politics and that they are
expected to be polite, obedient, indirect, talk less and assertive, Robin Lakoff tells a story about
the seven swans:” A girl’s seven brothers are changed into swans. She can transform them back
into men only by sitting in a tree for seven years sewing them shirts out of daisies. If she utters
one word during this period, she will fail. She succeeds, despite terrible obstacles. The moral:
silence and obedience are the path to success for a women” (Lakoff.R, 2003: 162)
Similarly, in the terms of men’s power Ronald Wardhaugh gives an example:” There is also a
very interesting example from English of a woman being advised to speak more like a man in
order to fill a position previously filled only by men. Margaret Thatcher was told that her voice
did not match her position as British Prime Minister: she sounded too ‘shrill.’ She was advised to
lower the pitch of her voice, diminish its range, and speak more slowly, and thereby adopt an
authoritative, almost monotonous delivery to make herself heard.” (Wardhaugh,R. 2011; 337)
On the other hand, sociological studies have made known that women are more prone to use
linguistic forms thought to be ‘better’ or more ‘correct’ than those used by men. Trudgill
provides two reasons for this. Firstly, women in our society are generally more status-conscious
than men, and therefore more sensitive to linguistic norms- an idea known as hyper-correction.
Secondly, “working-class speech…has connotations of or associations with masculinity,
which may lead men to be more favorably disposed to non-standard linguistic forms than
women.” ( Trudgill: 1983: 162)
Women also tend to hypercorrect more than men, especially in the lower middle class. The
definition of hypercorrection is:” the erroneous use of a word form or pronunciation based on a
false analogy with a correct or prestigious form, such as between you and I for the standard
between you and me”. Thus, the women tended to hypercorrect more than men because they
tried to use prestigious variety of language for the reason of having been felt deprived from
privileged social status.
�Moreover, women may be using linguistic resources as a way to achieve status which they were
deprived from. Since women have long been denied equality with men as far as educational and
employment opportunities are concerned, these are not reliable indicators of a woman's status or
the status she aspires to. Although the marketplace establishes the value of men in economic
terms, the only kind of capital a woman can accumulate is symbolic. She can be a "perfect"
housewife, a "perfect" mother, a "loyal" wife, a “reliable” friend, a “devoted” believer, a
“dedicated” citizen and so on, with respect to the community's norms and stereotypes for
appropriate female behavior. In this logic, the use of the standard might be seen as yet another
reflection of women’s powerlessness in the public sphere. This interpretation accorded well with
one of the assumptions made by early gender scholar such as Lakoff (1975), who saw women’s
language as the “language of powerlessness”
In Albanian culture and tradition, in pre-war time, men were considered as the main and the only
means for providing for their families. Women were less employed, less educated and
discriminated. They were occupied with housework, raising children, preparing food for the
visitors who were welcomed in separate rooms for men guests known as “oda e burrave”,
according to Albanian society norms and traditions. Thus being separated from men in general
and mail guests in particular, unemployed and uneducated, spending their free time doing
handicrafts for their daughters’ dowry surrounded by other women, they developed a quite
different language variety from that of men’s.
3. Cross gender Phonological differences in English and Albanian
Numerous studies and researches have been conducted by Trudgill, Labov, Millroy and Martin
while investigating linguistic features such as phonological variability of male and female
differences. The aim, on the one hand, was to identify the stratification of these variables and, on
the other hand, to find support for the means of synchronic change. Women were found to be
closer to a prestige norm (Received Pronunciation) than men.
Therefore, from a large number of now classic findings emerging repeatedly, it is verified that
there are also strong correlations between patterns of social stratification and gender. One of
these sociolinguistic patterns is that women, regardless of other social characteristics such as
class, age, etc., tended to use more standard forms than men (Trudgill, 1974) study in Norwich of
�the variable (-ing), that is alternation between alveolar /n/ and a velar-nasal /-ng/ in words withing endings such as reading, singing, In relation to the variables of social class, style, and gender.
Similarly Labov found out that there are some phonological variations between sexes in
pronunciation of /əeh/ and /oh/. Accordingly:” …a close examination will show that women
show more concentration in the extreme values, especially for /oh/. The progressions of the
number informants in each category show that men and women follow the same stylistic
variation, but that the total shift of the women speakers is much greater. The tendency of women
to follow an extreme pattern of stylistic variation which we may call hypercorrection is an
important aspect of the structure of New York City English.” (W.Labov, 2006; 196)
Whereas according to Gj. Shkurtaj regarding phonological and pronunciation differences
between men and women in Albanian language it states that: “From our research even though
not elaborated enough, we can say that there is a kind of difference between men and women’s
discourse in the field of pronunciation. It appears that from the previous observations in the city
of Tirana and in many southern countries, the pronunciation of the phoneme /rr/ as a mono
vibrant /r/ is a more occurring feature in female gender than in male gender. Likewise, the forms
with /r/ are more frequent in standard language, and maybe in a way, indicators of being from
the capital or other southern cities of Albania, whereas vibrant /rr/, draws upward towards
northern parts “ (Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009 ; 372)
Additionally;” Women, it seems, are considerably more disposed than men to upgrade
themselves into the middle-class and less likely to allocate themselves to the working-class - a
finding which confirms the common observation that status consciousness is more pronounced
among women”. (Martin 1954:58)
According to Labov, ”women in the lower middle class, lead in the introduction of the new
standard forms, of many of the phonological variables studied in the United states, The UK, and
other industrialized countries such as Sweden, while men tend to lead in instances of change
from below” (Labov, W. 1990)
4. Cross gender lexical differences in English and Albanian
�Nevertheless women raising children use ‘baby talk’ language variety which is not common for
Albanian mail mentality, they curse more than men and do not swear or use taboo words.
Accordingly: “From the currently available research, even though not explored enough, it turns
out, however, that women speak in a different manner from men. Often they possess a different
lexis of their own especially for intimate parts or phenomena of feminine life and in everyday
speech in general which is distinguished from men’s language, even from their spouses or adult
sons.”(Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009; 365)
Moreover Linguistic means used by women to express their thoughts, beliefs, feelings and ideas,
unveil the truth about their social status and interaction that through many years have placed
them in marginal position, and forced on them rules and regulations. This is clearly reflected
even nowadays in women’s language that can be unquestionably described in forms of
hesitations and euphemisms.
There is also a difference in cross gender language in the use of euphemisms in Albanian and
according to Eqrem Ҫabej: ” Women in their language, even for the phrase ‘to kill someone’
they say: ‘e nxiruan, e shkretuan, e përmbisnë’ .For the ‘deceased’, women use the words: ‘i
ziu, i nxiri’ whereas men mainly use the words’ i shkreti, in Skrapar; ‘i shuari’, in North ; ‘i
mjeri’. Such expressions are the features of the ‘women’s language’ (language des femmes)
(E.Ҫabej,1978; 23)
“Similar sorts of disparities exist elsewhere in the vocabulary. There is, for instance, a group of
adjectives which have, besides their specific and literal meanings, another use, that of indicating
the speaker's approbation or admiration for something. Some of these adjectives are neutral as to
sex of speaker: either men or women may use them. But another set seems, in its figurative use,
to be largely confined to women's speech. Representative lists of women only adjectives are:
adorable charming, sweet, lovely, divine and intensifiers such as: “awfully”, “pretty”, “terribly”,
“quite” (Lakoff,1973; 51)
Further on, Lakoff states that there is also a difference in the use of lexical items such as the case
of color names: “Women, then, make far more precise discriminations in naming colors than do
men; words like beige, ecru, aquamarine, lavender, and so on, are unremarkable in a women's
active vocabulary, but absent from that of most men. I have seen a man helpless with suppressed
�laughter at a discussion between two other people as to whether a book-jacket was to be
described as 'lavender' or 'mauve'. Men find such discussion amusing because they consider such
a question trivial, irrelevant to the real world”. (Lakoff, 1973; 49)
Whereas in Albanian language, women, in their speech are prone to using diminutive suffixes,
mostly in a liking way for example:, çikirush, bukuloshe, zemerushe, dali im, picirruki im etc.;
they tend to use a lot of the superlative forms of adjectives like: shumë e zonja, jashtëzakonisht
e bukur, shumë e pavyer, tepër elegante, shumë shtirëse, etc
Albanian women’s gender
specified language can be illustrated by the use of some linguistic structures such as wishes,
curses, euphemistic expressions, etc, because women are predisposed in believing in paranormal
phenomena such as, bad augur, bad luck and redemption. This can be presented with the frequent
use of expressions such as: pika i raftë! , dreqi në bark i hiftë, syri i keq mos e paftë, t’shtifsha
n’dhe! t’plaçin syt, t’u thafshin durtë, t’daltë e dala, etc.
5. Cross gender syntactic differences
Apart from phonological and lexical differences between women’s and men’s language some
syntactic differences may be identified as well and according to Robin Lakoff:” When we leave
the lexicon and venture into syntax, we find that syntactically too women's speech is peculiar. To
my knowledge, there is no syntactic rule in English that only women may use. But there is at
least one rule that a woman will use in more conversational situations than a man. (This fact
indicates, of course, that the applicability of syntactic rules is governed partly by social context the positions in society of the speaker and addressee, with respect to each other, and the
impression one seeks to make on the other.) This is the rule of tag-question formation.” (Lakoff,
1973; 53)
Therefore, using tag questions or declarative statements with rising final intonations when the
speaker lacks confidence and wants confirmation from the addressee or in the cases when the
speaker is certain about the information but in order to facilitate conversation requires yes or no
questions from the addressee are features of women speech. Naturally, men also use tag
questions but their intention mainly is asking for exact answers not because they lack confidence
in declaring the statement. Such features are probably part of the general fact that women's
�speech sounds much more 'polite' than men's. Aspect of politeness is as we have just described:
leaving a decision open, not imposing your mind, or views, or claims, on anyone else.
It is considered that women’s language is more standard and polite than that of a men’s
language, but nowadays you can find women who swear, especially teens maybe for the reason
of fitting in into the modernity’s norms. Accordingly: “Often we listen to the swearing from the
mouths of children, teens, adults, even from women itself. From the examples presented in the
dictionary, we can conclude that men swear more than women, but women also swear more than
it was expected from them traditionally, and especially when they accompanied by the same
sex.”(Ibrahimi, M. 2009; 32)
6. Dominance and difference in mixed gender discourse
Obviously, men and women differ in their beliefs, perceptions and mainly in their use of
language and according to Haas:” Male speech and female speech have been observed to differ
in their form, topic, content and use. Early writers were largely introspective in their analyses;
more recent work has begun to provide empirical evidence. Men may be more loquacious and
directive; they use more nonstandard forms, talk more about sports, money and business, and
frequently refer to time, space, quantity, and objects. Women are often more supportive, polite,
and expressive, talk more about home and family, use more words implying feeling, evaluation,
interpretation, and psychological state” (Haas, 1979).
On the other hand, popular works by Deborah Tannen show that that while men view
conversations as a way to establish and maintain status and dominance in relationships, women
see the purpose of conversation to create and foster an intimate bond with the other party by
talking about topical problems and issues they are communally facing (Tannen, 1990). One way
of maintaining dominance in conversation in mix gendered group is through interruption as cited
in West and Zimmerman (1983) that men dominate women by interrupting them in conversation.
Whereas, other academic research argues that women use less powerful speech: they tend to
swear less, speak more politely, and use more tag questions and intensifiers (Lakoff, 1975).
Women also are inclined to interrupt less than men do; researchers have hypothesized that this is
possibly because of their apparent lower status to men and due to community norms that impose
this gender status hierarchy. Tannen continues to summarize the differences between men and
�women at the basic level, such as:” If women speak and hear a language of connection and
intimacy, while men speak and hear a language of status and independence, then communication
between men and women can be like cross-cultural communication, prey to a clash of
conversational styles. Instead of different dialects, it has been said they speak different
genderlects. (Tannen, 1990 ; 18)
Therefore, conversational patterns in cross gender studies offer evidence for the essential
difference between men's and women's linguistic performance by the means of question tags and
interruptions. Other linguistic tools which display the difference between women’s and men’s
language use is the amount of speech and control of topic.
Interruptions are manifested through the violations of the rules of conversation. According to
Sacks/Schegloff/Jefferson's (1974) model of the structure of conversation, turns of speech are
assigned such that the current speaker has the largest options. Overlaps are done at the end of the
first speaker's turn and the beginning of the next speaker's turn. Moreover, overlaps in interaction
are generally considered as facilitating conversational tools. Finally, another facilitating strategy
is the use of minimal responses such as: aha, uhm, ehe etc . During the turn of the first speaker
the addressee will provide agreement or encouragement through these interjections
7. Methodology used for the research
With the goal of answering hypothetical questions presented in the introduction such as: Do
women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets the
floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from the
language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences? What
are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is more
prestigious, the women’s or the men’s?
The research will be done while observing and analyzing three political TV debates of mixed
gender in Albanian and three of those in English. These debates were chosen because there is
one to one discourse interaction; therefore it is easier to measure the duration of speech, the
longest speech turn, dominance, interruptions and differences in the spoken discourse.
8. Differences in language use in three debates in Albanian
�In three political debates male discourse consisted of informal speech, using hedges like “ o
burrë” (o man) - 2x, addressed female speaker, cynical laughter -3X, “haj zoti na rujt”, “a jini
bre n’veti?” “po shkoni po ju mani ders”. Folk proverbial sayings like:”Punen e sotit mos e le
per neser” and “ Katuni që shihet nuk do kallauz”
Whereas, female discourse was more standard avoiding informal speech. The female speakers
reminded male speakers that they had been talking for half an hour with: Lem te perfundoj , se
une fillova ,” qasje e këtillë, arrogance e këtillë”.
Other non-standard forms and expressions having many errors were found in male discourse
such as: ”erov”, ‘ ket’, ‘qy qy’ ‘m’fal bre’ ‘do te perkrahmi’, ‘per Shqiprije’, ‘i ter kostoja’,
‘pruar’, ‘10 ditev’, ‘kam nje mbeshtetje te fuqishem’
Female discourse was more standard by even using some foreign phrases such as ‘facilituar’
hektike, ‘abstrahim’ ‘ekselent’ ect. There were many interruptions conducted by male
counterpart and some of the interruptions were done through cynical laughter.
9. Differences in language use in three debates in English
The differences in language use between female and male candidates consisted in the use of
some informal expressions such as: ‘What the heck’, ‘that’s baloney’, ‘that’s absolute baloney’
and idiomatic expressions such as: “you let the chips lay where they may” and “we can’t bury
our heads in the sands” by the male candidate. There was also cynical laughter by the male side.
On the other side, female discourse contains richer terminology; their speech is more standard
avoiding informal expressions and there were citations from famous personalities such as
Benjamin Franklin’s quote:”If we sacrifice liberty for the sake of security, we will wind up
losing both”. Female language is full of adjectives and intensifiers such as:”remarkable’
remarkably X 3, incredible, dreadful, and great’.
The differences in the language use between two speakers in the second debate consists in the
use of some idiomatic expressions by the male side: “With one hand you give it, with the other
you take it”, “glass half empty, glass half full”, “they are getting the short end of the stick”,
“you get knocked down, you get up and start again”. Whereas the female candidate uses the
citations such as mr. Reagan’s quote:” Freedom is always one generation away from extinction,
�we don’t pass it to our children in their blood stream. We have to fight for it, and protect it and
hand it to them”
Female discourse on the other side tends to be more polite whereas male discourse consists of
some other informal expressions such as: “heck a lot better” “my goodness” “blla blla blla”
towards female speakers
10. Conclusion
The findings of the debates analyses clearly show that there are significantly differences between
women’s and men’s language in Albanian and in English in particular, as well as the differences
that exist between debates in Albanian and English in general. The differences mainly consist in
the use of standard speech by the side of women both in Albanian and English. Men are mostly
found in using informal expressions in Albanian and English in general.
Some of the women according to debate analyses have used far more adjectives and intensifiers
than men did.
From the results it can be concluded that in Albanian debates longest speech duration was on the
men’s side as well as the longest speaking turns. As far as interruptions are concerned in
Albanian debates, women are found in making more interruptions than men.
Regarding debates in English, the longest speech duration was on the women’s side, in three
debate samples, whereas, the longest speaking turns are found to be on the men’s side. Women
in both cases, in English and Albanian tried to be more polite, whereas men are found to perform
a cynical laughter in most cases as a response to women’s statements.
The most significant difference between debates in English and Albanian is respecting the coo
speaker in the debate by not interrupting them, but using time reasonably in rebuttals for answers
�References
Cameron,D. (1998).
“Gender and Language Ideologies” published in “The Handbook of
language and gender” (2003) Blackwell publishing Ltd
Coulmas,F. (1998) .”The Handbook of Sociolinguistics” Blackwell publishing Ltd.
Ҫabej, E. (1978) .”Studime gjuhësore IV”.Prishtinë
Eckert,P. and McConnell, -Ginet ,S. (2003)“Language and Gender” Cambridge University
Press
Haas, A. (1979) .”Male and female soken language differences; Stereotypes and evidence.
Philological Bulletin
Holmes, J. Meyerhoff, M. (2003). “The handbook of Language and Gender” .Blackwell
Publishing.Ltd
Ibrahimi, M. (2009) “Fjalor i zhargoneve dhe eufemizmave shqiptare” Interlingua
Labow, W. (1990). “The intersection of sex and social class in the course of linguistic change”
Labow, W. (2006). “The social stratification of English in New York City”. Washington,DC,
Centre for applied linguistics
Lakoff,R. (Apr., 1973). “Language and Woman's Place” : Cambridge University Press. Vol. 2,
No. 1 pp. 45-80
Martin, F. (1954). "Some Subjective Aspects of Social Stratification". Social Mobility in Great
Britain. London.
Romaine ,S. (2003) “Variation in Language and Gender”: Handbook of Language and Gender.
Blacwell
Sunderland,J. (2006) .”Language and Gender: An Advanced Resource Book” . Routledge
Applied Linguistics
�Shkurtaj, Gj. (2009). Sociolinguistika e shqipes; Nga dialektologjia te etnografia e te folurit.
Tirana: Shtepia botuese Moravia.
Tahiri.L. (2013) Gjuha dhe lufta e ideve. Shtepia botuese Naimi
Tannen, D.(1990). “You just don’t understand” New York
Tannen, D.(1993).”Gender and conversational interaction” Oxford University Press
Trudgill, P.( 1983). “Sociolinguistics. An Introduction to Language and Society”. Revised
Edition. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Wardhaugh , R.(2010) “An Introduction to Sociolinguistics”. Wiley- Blackwell UK
�
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LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE
Author
Author
Kryeziu, Lendita
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female - male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
International Burch University
Date
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2015-09
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b2f513586101058bffa95e70051368c8.pdf
4ed6ee26b910b832288c497382da9f84
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CONCEPT FOR UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE TEXTBOOK FOR CROATIAN STUDENTS
(IN TERMS OF LEARNING A CLOSELY RELATED LANGUAGE)
Lesya Petrovska & Ana Dugandžić
Taras Shevchenko University, Ukraine & University of Zagreb, Croatia
Article History:
Submitted: 09.06.2015
Accepted: 29.06.2015
Abstract:
In creating textbooks and course books for foreign language education, the starting point is the
goal of learning the language – language acquisition either on the level of communication skills for
specific purposes (business or daily), or as part of the process of training philology specialists, or
more specifically, linguistics specialists. In this, among other factors, authors should take into
account the ethno-linguistic characteristics of the audience, so the training process should be
organised differently for groups of students who study a language closely related to their native
language. In studying a closely related language, a variety of phenomena is observed, such as, for
example, interference, cross-language homonymy, the fact that ability to perceive and understand
a foreign language always outweighs the ability to reproduce material, etc. These points are
important to consider when preparing textbooks and course books, and they should be reflected in
the selection of lexical material and presentation of grammar. Existing textbooks for learning
Ukrainian as a foreign language are mainly not designed for a Slavic languages-speaking
audience, which makes the process of training specialists in Ukrainian in Slavic countries more
difficult. On the other hand, the methods of organising the material in a textbook and its structure
should be designed for philology students and therefore should feature a complex and
comprehensive presentation of the language material and combine various methods of teaching.
We propose the principles we follow in creating a textbook for learning Ukrainian designed for
Croatian students whose primary field of study is the Ukrainian language.
�Key words: teaching methodology, closely related languages, communication skills, teacher’s
role, philology students
�1 Introduction Ukrainian language studies at the University of Zagreb have a long and
strong tradition. However, one of the constant tasks is to improve the effectiveness of training
specialists in Ukrainian as future translators, teachers, and in broader terms – Slavic philologists
with a high level of expertise.
In classes, there is an obvious lack of appropriate teaching materials, handbooks and
textbooks that could best meet the students’ needs.
2 The objective of this paper is to lay down for consideration and discussion the conceptual
principles of such a textbook, its main characteristics, structure and methodology that are built into
its basis.
3 Specific characteristics of materials used in teaching Ukrainian. In working with
students whose field of study is a foreign language, special textbooks are commonly used,
developed for the purpose of acquiring the language at the appropriate level, as well as grammar
books, dictionaries and other academic publications that enable a deeper and more detailed study
and research of certain linguistic phenomena.
The existing textbooks of Ukrainian for foreigners partially cover our needs. In particular,
teachers in our department use in their work Ukrainian language textbooks designed for foreigners
who are not speakers of Slavic languages (Zhluktenko, Ju. O., & Toc’ka, N. I. (1973). Pidruchnyk
ukrajins’koji movy. Kyjiv.; Zajchenko, N. F., & Vorobjova, S. A. (2004). Praktychnyj kurs
ukrajins’koji movy dl’a inozemciv: usne movlenn’a. Kyjiv.; Jeshchenko, N.O. (Bojchenko)
(2010). Praktychnyj kurs ukrajins'koji movy: usne movlennja. Navchaljnyj posibnyk dlja
inozemnyh studentiv; Palins'ka, O., & Turkevych, O. (2011) Krok-1(ukrajins'ka mova jak
inozemna). L'viv), and among the existing textbooks that take into account the needs of speakers of
related languages, there are only those designed for students who speak Russian. Therefore, it is
necessary to create a textbook that would successfully combine approaches to teaching Ukrainian
for “distant” and “close” foreigners.
In addition, the textbooks mentioned are designed to help students master Ukrainian in
order to develop active communication skills and to master grammar structures, or for specific
professional purposes (for example, foreign students learning Ukrainian at a basic level to be able
to study at other, non- philological faculties in the Ukraine – medical, technical, natural sciences,
�etc.). This approach, which can roughly be referred to as “communicative”, is generally prevalent
in modern foreign language teaching, although it is not fully appropriate for philology students. In
this case, the foreign language itself becomes the object of students’ study. Accordingly, students
must not only develop the skills of expressing themselves in the foreign language (“surface”
knowledge), but also understand the core of the language and linguistic phenomena (“deep”
knowledge of the foreign language). Therefore, if we talk about training linguists in broader terms,
we should use the “conceptual and functional” approach to teaching, and to the preparation of
textbooks (Jarmak, 2001), since the training of philology students involves the introduction of a
strong theoretical basis with numerous exercises. The aim of teaching in this case is to train expert
philologists; they should gradually acquire both grammar and orthography, have a wide
vocabulary and the ability to express themselves and even to “think” in the foreign language, i.e.
acquire the cultural image behind the words. Hence, all language levels, and preferably in aspects
that are as broad as possible, should be taken into account.
Accordingly, in considering what exactly the kind of the textbook required is, it should be
noted that this is a textbook for 1) philology students for whom the Ukrainian language is the
major field of study, and 2) students who study a closely related language.
To solve this problem, our goal was to prepare a Ukrainian language textbook for students
studying Ukrainian Language and Literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of
the University of Zagreb, which would fit the education needs of philology students.
The planned textbook is designed for students of the 1st and 2nd years of study, and is
intended to be used during 4 semesters – the time required for a more or less full basic mastering of
the language studied.
4 Conceptual principles
The first of the conceptual principles in the Ukrainian textbook preparation is its focus on
the professional education of philologists.
This means that the presentation of material will cover the conceptual instruments and
categories the philology students should know. Therefore, it is our task to prepare a textbook that
would:
- propose lexical and grammar material in accordance with the professional level of
students;
�- develop active language skills that ultimately form linguistic knowledge;
- develop skills of appropriate language use depending on communicative situations;
- fully cover the basic Ukrainian grammar system;
- include wide but systematically framed lexical material, the mastering of which would
allow students to freely use texts (both oral and written), in most everyday situations and in special
texts, that is, which would constitute the basis for the further expansion of the lexical fund and the
deepening of vocabulary in highly specialised fields;
- contain a sufficient amount of exercises and practical tasks, which will provide a good
drill and mastering of lexical and grammar structures at the appropriate level;
- include a sufficient amount of texts related to the culture, history and geography of the
country, etc., which are an obligatory component in the formation of professional competence of
specialists in a foreign language (and beyond: in literature and culture).
Therefore, this would be a single integrative foreign language textbook, which would
develop various language skills in students, at the levels of both understanding and expression
(Kljuchkovs'ka, 2009).
5 Textbook structure
The overall textbook material can be divided into two parts: a) the beginners level, intended
for the first two semesters of the language study, which would include grammar and lexical
structures that allow students to express themselves grammatically correctly in basic everyday
situations, and be able to construct simple syntactic structures (this refers to the knowledge of all
cases, their forms and basic functions in a sentence, basic grammatical categories of verbs, such as
tense and aspect, etc.); and b) the intermediate level that would continue the expansion of linguistic
knowledge, building on the already acquired material, which will allow students to construct
syntactically and lexically more complex structures (for example, the emphasis on individual case
functions, verb categories such as aspect, voice, certain rules of word formation, etc.)
The textbook consists of the main book and a workbook with exercises accompanying each
unit.
In considering the structure of the main part, we concluded that it is most appropriate to
divide it into units (not lessons), each of which includes:
1) the main text;
�2) vocabulary from the text with translations into Croatian;
3) orthoepy and orthography rules with exercises;
4) grammar rules and exercises;
5) speech structures;
6) lexical, grammar and communicative exercises;
7) translation exercises;
8) additional material for optional work (or self-study).
More precisely, the main text should include lexical tools for a certain lexical topic (e.g.,
“family”, “house”, “food”, “clothing”, etc.). The text should also take into account the grammar
structures dealt with in the unit, and repeat them several times, but it should not be loaded with
other structures that are unknown to the student at this stage of language learning. However, it
should be noted that such forms are allowed, as well as more complex structures. After all, the
speakers of Croatian will more or less understand the majority of Ukrainian grammar forms from
the context. For example, for students whose native language is Croatian, the meaning and
grammatical characteristics of the Ukrainian sentence: “Я буду читати” should be clearly
understandable already at the beginning of learning the language, without indicating that this is the
future tense form of the verb (as in similar structures Вона читала – past tense; Ми пишемо –
present tense), while for students who are native speakers of e.g. English or German, the
introduction of such structures without explanation and multiple repetitions will aggravate
understanding. Therefore, we allow the inclusion of more complex texts already at the initial stage
of language learning compared to the texts in Ukrainian language textbooks for foreigners that are
currently available. Croatian students will understand most material from the context, and more
complex structures or complicated words are accompanied with comments or direct translation
into Croatian. Therefore, students will immediately be provided with the entire logically complete
text, expand their vocabulary more intensively and acquire expression skills more quickly.
To this end, it seems appropriate to provide some additional vocabulary after the text that is
related to the topic.
A set of phonetic and orthography exercises is introduced to develop the skills of correct
pronunciation of Ukrainian language sounds and stress. It should be noted that accentuation rules
�are one of the main problems for Croatians who learn Ukrainian due to fundamental accentuation
differences, whether it is the understanding of the nature of stress as a linguistic phenomenon, or
mastering the Ukrainian “floating” stress. Special attention is paid to the pronunciation of certain
sounds, especially those absent in Croatian, such as /г/, differences in pronunciation of hard and
soft consonants, etc.
We consider it useful to include exercises of expressive reading, tongue-twisters, etc. in
phonetic exercises.
Croatian students used to the Latin alphabet need orthography exercises primarily because
of the different graphical system. Therefore, such exercises will enable a faster development of
correct writing skills in Cyrillic. In addition, they will also help them master certain features of
Ukrainian orthography, such as the apostrophe and the specific rules of its use, the implementation
of morphological orthographic principle to a greater extent than in Croatian, change of sounds, etc.
Grammar rules should be presented sufficiently broadly and comprehensively and must
take into account similarities and differences of certain grammar forms in the foreign and native
languages.
For example, we believe that each case should be dealt with individually, not in the
paradigm or declination. In this way, what is equal and different in the two languages is better
observed – functions of cases in the sentence, specific formal forms, and links with verbs are taken
into account, as is the presence of prepositions in structures. For example, 1st year students often
make mistakes in the instrumental case, which, in addition to almost identical endings for
masculine and neuter, has different endings for the feminine: masc. studentom=студентом,
učiteljem=учителем, neutr. selom=селом, suncem=сонцем, but femin. sestrom–сестрою (not
*сестром). Frequently there will also be errors in selecting the correct case in structures such as
торт з малиною (instr.) – сік з малини (gen.), because in Ukrainian the same preposition is used
with different cases (compared to Croatian – s čime instr. // od čega gen.).
Special attention is given to certain verb categories, for example, reflexive verbs:
differences in forms but also in expressing the reflexive category itself. In some cases a Ukrainian
reflexive verb corresponds to a non-reflexive verb in Croatian (uživati u čemu –
насолоджуватися чим, koristiti što – користуватися чим).
To the same end, i.e. in order to detect differences between the two languages, we include
�translation exercises from Croatian into Ukrainian, which also help understand, raise awareness of
the differences between the native and the foreign language, in addition to, of course, contributing
to the acquisition of translation skills.
In the translation exercises students can visualise the characteristics of meaning, the
nuances of the semantic structure of lexemes. Thus, it is appropriate to include exercises that
would provide for the selection of several translation variants, search for synonyms (in foreign and
native languages), and translation exercises containing proper names (especially toponyms).
This is why lexical material is so important in the process of selecting material for the
preparation of exercises. These are the words and phrases which represent the core of the language
itself, but at the same time they are the basis for practising grammar structures. As for vocabulary,
it should be noted and emphasised that closely related languages in their vocabularies have a large
number of the same or similar words in terms of pronunciation and semantics. In the process of
language learning, this phenomenon is at the same time facilitating and aggravating: on the one
hand, it makes it easier to understand and master the language faster, but on the other hand it is
often confusing (at the level of understanding if the same pronunciation has different meanings,
the so-called cross-language homonymy; at the level of expression it can create a habit among
students to use Croatian words, phonetically and morphologically adapted to the Ukrainian
language, which is quite often the case, from our experience, for example *ормарик for ormarić,
or *піджама for pidžama, etc.).
By speech structures we mean various formulas, phrases typical of certain communicative
situations that are introduced into example dialogues. These exercises are primarily intended for
the acquisition of speaking skills which are the primary task for anyone who learns a foreign
language. Such structures should take into account the different communication tonalities, both the
formal, characteristic of official communication, and the purely conversational, typical of
everyday situations, and even some forms of slang, since a philologist as a foreign language
specialist should master the clear stylistic differentiation and have the ability to select linguistic
resources in accordance with actual communicative situations. Therefore the use of multi-style
language material in foreign language learning helps to achieve a more successful professional
communication.
Developed communicative exercises help the teacher to create communicative situations
�that encourage students to speak actively. This is facilitated by dialogue exercises, as well as
games (e.g., role-playing).
We consider it appropriate to include in the structure of each unit additional material for
optional use, or for self-study. These can be literary texts related to the topic learned (lexically or
grammatically), or folk poetry, non-fiction texts, advertisements, jokes, etc., accompanied by
exercises for individual work (e.g. “Answer the questions...”, “True or false?” – exercises to check
understanding; “Write down synonyms/antonyms...”, “Write the meaning of words/idioms” –
vocabulary exercises, etc.). Such or similar material is preferred in foreign language study, as it
contributes to faster progress in learning. Therefore, its inclusion in the textbook facilitates
primarily the work of the teacher as it builds on the vocabulary and grammar structures learned
within the units.
6 As the conclusion, it should be pointed out that in teaching a foreign language to
philology students a textbook is needed with the informative, developing, communicative,
motivating, systematising and formative, in addition to instructive and control functions, i.e. a
textbook that would “integrate” in its structure several aspects of training language professionals.
�References:
Jarmak, V. (2001). Aktuelni metodološki problemi nastave srpskog jezika kao stranog za studente
početnike u Ukrajini. Slavistika, pp. 245 – 255. Beograd.
Kljuchkovs'ka, I. (2009). Osnovy koncepciji integratyvnogo pidruchnyka z ukrajins'koji movy jak
inozemnoji. Theory and practice of teaching Ukrainian as a foreign language, No. 4. pp
45-50
�
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CONCEPT FOR UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE TEXTBOOK FOR CROATIAN STUDENTS (IN TERMS OF LEARNING A CLOSELY RELATED LANGUAGE)
Author
Author
Petrovska, Lesya
Dugandžić, Ana
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
In creating textbooks and course books for foreign language education, the starting point is the goal of learning the language – language acquisition either on the level of communication skills for specific purposes (business or daily), or as part of the process of training philology specialists, or more specifically, linguistics specialists. In this, among other factors, authors should take into account the ethno-linguistic characteristics of the audience, so the training process should be organised differently for groups of students who study a language closely related to their native language. In studying a closely related language, a variety of phenomena is observed, such as, for example, interference, cross-language homonymy, the fact that ability to perceive and understand a foreign language always outweighs the ability to reproduce material, etc. These points are important to consider when preparing textbooks and course books, and they should be reflected in the selection of lexical material and presentation of grammar. Existing textbooks for learning Ukrainian as a foreign language are mainly not designed for a Slavic languages-speaking audience, which makes the process of training specialists in Ukrainian in Slavic countries more difficult. On the other hand, the methods of organising the material in a textbook and its structure should be designed for philology students and therefore should feature a complex and comprehensive presentation of the language material and combine various methods of teaching. We propose the principles we follow in creating a textbook for learning Ukrainian designed for Croatian students whose primary field of study is the Ukrainian language.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
International Burch University
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2015-09
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
-
https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/754850f391a49ba825e0b97ae2596da5.pdf
ca61fb706f4fff46405e2494f59a47cb
PDF Text
Text
THE ATTRITION OF PORTUGUESE AS A THIRD OR ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE
OVER THE SUMMER HOLIDAYS
Teresa Maria Wlosowicz
Casimir the Great University, Poland
Article History:
Submitted: 13.06.2015
Accepted: 30.06.2015
Abstract:
The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional
language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research
questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which
attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their
own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant
interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina & Jessner, 2002). However,
some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (SharwoodSmith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of
whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other
Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays,
they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed
by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right
verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various
language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive,
which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The
attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to
retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other
languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which
attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the
activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be
supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian
items compete for selection.
�Key words: multilingualism, language attrition, interference, Portuguese.
�1. Introduction
The purpose of the study has been an investigation of the attrition of Portuguese as a
third or additional language (term introduced by de Angelis, 2007, to include L3, L4, L5, etc.)
over the summer holidays. The study investigated attrition observable in both oral and written
production. On the one hand, fluency in oral communication deteriorates fastest (BardoviHarlig & Stringer, 2010, p. 32), but on the other hand, it may be reflected mainly in an
increased number of hesitations and attempts to retrieve forgotten words, while errors in
writing may constitute more substantial evidence of language attrition. On the basis of the
results, it is attempted to draw some conclusions concerning language attrition in multilingual
systems.
2. The phenomenon of language attrition
In general, “language attrition may refer to loss of language as a result of contact with
majority languages, loss of language by communities, or loss of language by individuals in
both pathological and non-pathological settings” (Bardovi-Harlig & Stringer, 2010, p. 2).
However, Köpke and Schmid (2004, p. 5, as cited in Herdina & Jessner, 2013, p. 753)
propose a narrower definition, according to which language attrition is “the non-pathological
decrease in a language that had previously been acquired by an individual” and is therefore
distinct from such phenomena as language loss in aphasia.
It often occurs in situations of language contact, for example, in the case of L1 attrition
in immigrants living in a foreign country (Cherciov, 2013; Sharwood-Smith, 1989), but there
can also be attrition of a foreign language learnt at school and not used any more, that is why
in multilingual repertoires the chronological order of language acquisition does not
necessarily correspond to language dominance, which is determined by the proficiency levels
and the frequency of use of the particular languages (Herdina & Jessner, 2013, p. 754).
According to Herdina and Jessner (2002), multilingual systems are dynamic and competence
in each of them changes with time, due to constant cross-linguistic interaction (an umbrella
term covering transfer, interference, borrowing, code-switching, etc., Herdina & Jessner,
2002, p. 29). Consequently, if a language is not used for some time, attrition sets in.
Therefore, language learning does not take place “once and for all”, but, in order to prevent
attrition, language users have to make an effort to maintain the competence they have
acquired.
Even though the patterns of language attrition can offer interesting “insights into the
structure of the linguistic system” (Fase, Jaspaert & Kroon, 1992, p. 9, as cited in Herdina &
�Jessner, 2002, p. 94), this phenomenon remains insufficiently researched for the following
reasons: First, “language attrition is a gradual and much less spectacular phenomenon than
abrupt complete language loss” (Herdina & Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Second, if language attrition
becomes noticeable, speakers try to counteract it by using compensatory strategies. Third, “at
least at an early stage, it expresses itself in the form of an increased scatter of performance”
(Herdina & Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Indeed, errors in performance do not have to reflect a
corresponding loss of competence. As Sharwood-Smith (1989, p. 190) remarks in reference to
L1 attrition, “subjects in a loss situation can demonstrate their possession of native
competence by various means, including self-correction and also the selection and rejection of
test items exemplifying standard and deviant forms respectively.”
To explain the order of language attrition, several hypotheses have been proposed, two
of which are discussed by Riemer (2005, p. 217-218): “last learned - first forgotten”, with
emphasis on the temporal sequence, and “best learned – last forgotten”, with emphasis on the
depth of cognitive processing (Schöpper-Grabe, 1998, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218).
However, language attrition does not involve only the loss of language skills, because the
incubation period, when the language is no longer studied actively, also involves language
retention, or “the maintenance or improvement of proficiency in a language following its
initial acquisition” (Gardner, 1982, p. 24, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218) and even some
residual learning, or a kind of cognitive maturation which can lead to an increase in
competence (Riemer, 2005, p. 217-219). Moreover, if a critical threshold, or a level of
competence which protects information from being forgotten, is reached (Neisser, 1984, as
cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218), a certain amount of knowledge remains permanently in the
learner’s mind.
Furthermore, some features of language are more prone to attrition than others.
Preston (1982, as cited in Sharwood-Smith, 1989, p. 191) enumerates several sites of “high
attrition likelihood”, such as marked items, low-frequency items, items learnt last,
irregularities, etc.
Moreover, the availability of a language for production and/or comprehension largely
depends on its activation level, which is connected with the frequency and recency of its use.
According to Green’s Inhibitory Control model (Green, 1986, p. 215), “a language can be
selected (and hence controlling speech output), active (i.e., playing a role in ongoing
processing), and dormant (i.e., residing in long-term memory but exerting no effects on
ongoing processing)”. If a language is not used, its activation falls (Green, 1986, p. 215). Thus
�a language that has undergone some attrition due to non-use can also be assumed to be partly
deactivated.
In order to speak a particular language, one has to suppress the other language(s),
which requires inhibitory resources (Green, 1986, p. 217-218). As a means of ensuring that
the speech plan is produced only in the selected language, Green (1998, p. 101) postulates the
existence of language tags. In the Inhibitory Control model, the main role of language tags is
that played in lemma selection (Green, 1998, p. 101).
Finally, apart from linguistic factors, an important role is played by social and affective
factors, such as language attitudes and motivation (e.g. Riemer, 2005). However, as Cherciov
(2013) has shown, the relationship between attitudes and language proficiency is ‘neither
clear-cut nor linear across all bilinguals’ (Cherciov, 2013: 730). A positive attitude does not
constitute a guarantee of avoiding language attrition, but, as Cherciov (2013: 730) concludes,
it can counterbalance attrition if it is “conducive to an active effort to maintain the L1.”
3. The study
3.1. Participants
The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, including 30
second-year students of Portuguese philology (22 from Maria Sklodowska-Curie University
in Lublin and 8 from Jagiellonian University in Cracow) and 12 students of other Romance
philologies (Spanish, French or Italian), who studied Portuguese as an additional foreign
language at Jagiellonian University.
They had a variety of language combinations, that is why Portuguese was not
necessarily their L3, but rather a third or additional language (L4, L5, etc.). Apart from Polish
and Portuguese, the participants’ language combinations included English (41 participants),
Spanish (33), German (17), French (11), Italian (11), Russian (6), Romanian (5), Latin (3),
Swedish (1) and Chinese (1).
3.2. Method
The study consisted of a written grammar and vocabulary test, followed by oral
interviews with the students, carried out by the researcher, and, finally, a questionnaire
concerning the students’ language combinations and experience, and the study they had just
participated in, paying special attention to the areas of attrition observed by the participants in
their own performance.
�The test consisted of three parts: cued translation (e.g. Se ________ esse livro,
____________ amanhã), gap-filling and a multiple-choice test. It involved items and
structures which were either marked and specific to Portuguese (for example, the first
conditional with the future subjunctive instead of the present indicative, e.g. Se encontrar esse
livro,…, not: Se encontro esse livro), marked but common to Portuguese and Spanish (for
example, certain uses of the subjunctive), or items slightly different in Portuguese in Spanish,
which could lead to interference (for example, Vais tomar duche agora? vs. ¿Vas a ducharte
ahora?). However, the items were typical and fairly simple, because they could not be
completely new to the participants, but rather, the participants were expected to have already
encountered and possibly forgotten them.
Similarly, the topics of the oral interviews, which were randomly drawn out by the
participants, were quite simple in terms of the background knowledge they required (hobbies,
favourite animals, favourite books, travelling, etc.).
The research questions were as follows:
1) How correct are the participants’ responses?
2) What areas of linguistic competence can attrition be observed in?
3) How does the attrition of Portuguese manifest itself?
4) How do the students themselves perceive their attrition?
3.3. Results and discussion
In general, the participants produced a large number of errors, as well as partly correct
responses (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form). The “partly correct” category was
introduced to take into account responses which indicated that the students had retained some
of the necessary knowledge, and only some of it had been affected by attrition.
In the cued translation test, as Table 1 shows, most of the answers were partly correct,
followed by incorrect and correct ones and, finally, avoidance.
Table 1: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the cued translation
task
Lublin
Cracow Other
Cracow Port.
Correct
30
16
29
75
Partly correct
89
58
41
188
Incorrect
51
32
7
90
�Avoidance
50
14
3
67
220
120
80
420
df = 6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p< 0.001.
By contrast, in the gap-filling task, most of the answers were correct (in most cases,
more than one answer was possible), followed by incorrect answers, avoidance and partly
correct answers.
Table 2: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the gap-filling task
Lublin
Cracow Other
Cracow Port.
Correct
90
45
48
183
Partly corr.
23
16
9
48
Incorrect
55
48
17
120
Avoidance
52
11
6
69
220
120
80
420
df =6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p< 0.001.
In the multiple-choice test, most of the answers were correct, followed by incorrect
ones and avoidance.
Table 3: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the multiple-choice
test
Lublin
Cracow Other
Cracow Port.
Correct
197
77
70
344
Incorrect
19
41
10
70
Avoidance
4
2
0
6
220
120
80
420
df =4
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p< 0.001.
�The comparisons of all three groups indicate that there were indeed significant
differences, and that the students of Portuguese as an additional language, not of Portuguese
philology, performed significantly worse. On the one hand, they spent less time studying
Portuguese, as their main foreign languages were Spanish, French or Italian, and on the other
hand, the higher level of activation of the dominant foreign language probably led to more
interference.
Moreover, the correctness of the students’ answers also depended on the task.
Table 4: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on all three tasks
Translation
Gap-filling
MCT
Correct
75
183
344
602
Partly corr.
188
48
0
236
Incorrect
90
120
70
280
Avoidance
67
69
6
142
420
420
420
1260
df =6
The difference between the tests, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p< 0.001.
All three groups performed significantly best on the multiple-choice test, which proves
that recognition is easier than production. As the items were presented to the students, access
to their meanings was easier than retrieving them from memory. Moreover, they performed
significantly better on the gap-filling task, which was mainly lexical (though some items were
located between grammar and vocabulary, such as inserting the right preposition) than on the
translation task, which was predominantly grammatical (even if, for example, a verb had to be
retrieved from the mental lexicon, it had to be given in the right form, for example, the
subjunctive). On the one hand, it is possible that grammar is more prone to attrition than
vocabulary, but this would require further research. On the other hand, it is possible that
grammar requires greater precision and if a structure requires, for example, the subjunctive,
an indicative form is incorrect, whereas in the case of vocabulary, a gap can allow several
synonyms, their hyperonym, etc., as long as they fit in the context.
Qualitatively, the errors can be said to have been the result of interference from several
languages, especially Spanish, but also French and Italian, and, possibly, also a combination
of languages, including Polish. However, as the present author remarked elsewhere
(Wlosowicz, 2012), in the case of a foreign language distant from the native one, L1 influence
�can be subtle, such as the preference of certain structures over others. Some examples of
errors in the cued translation task are presented below.
Table 5: Examples of errors in the cued translation task
Student’s version
Target version
Problems detected
Se a Sílvia não tivesse Se a Sílvia não rejeitou, The past tense (Pretérito
recusado, trabalharia agora _____ agora numa empresa Perfeito) instead of the past
numa empresa multinacional.
multinacional.
subjunctive: possible transfer
from
Polish;
inability to
retrieve the conditional form
(trabalharia).
Se
encontrar
esse
livro, Se encontro esse livro, o lhe Interference from Spanish (Si
emprestar-lho-ei amanhã.
prestarei amanhã.
encuentro ese libro, se le
prestaré mañana); possibly
also from English (If I find
this book…).
Enquanto o sol se punha, Mentre o sol tramontava, Interference
estavam
sentados
terraça junto à praia.
from
Italian
numa sentiam-se numa terraça à (mentre – while, tramontare
praia.
– to set); the confusion of
two Portuguese verbs: sentarse (to sit down) and sentir-se
(to feel).
Não te preocupes!
Não te preocupa!
Retrieval of the wrong rule in
Portuguese:
imperative
the
negative
takes
the
subjunctive form (‘não te
preocupes’ instead of ‘não te
preocupas’); instead of the
subjunctive, the student used
the indicative form of the
third person singular.
As for transfer from Polish, it was possibly due to the fact that it was the source
language of the cued translations. While Portuguese was partly deactivated, the students’
native language remained constantly active, which may have made them fall back on L1
routines (cf. Sharwood-Smith, 1986).
�In the gap-filling task, the sentences which posed the participants particular difficulty
were Sentence 4 (Se ________ quente no domingo, __________ um piquenique), Sentence 6
(Não gosto que vocês _______ palavrões na escola), Sentence 8 (________-me ver o novo
filme sobre Robin dos Bosques) and Sentence 10 (Como te __________ o exame ontem?).
Sentence 4 required both the idiomatic use of two verbs (Se estiver quente no domingo,
faremos um piquenique – If it’s warm on Sunday, we’ll have a picnic) and the correct forms
(the future subjunctive and the future tense, which is irregular in the case of the verb ‘fazer’.
Errors included, for example: “Se está (present indicative) quente no domingo, faziamos
(past tense, also used as the second conditional) um piquenique.”
Sentence 6 required the subjunctive: Não gosto que vocês usem (or: digam) palavrões
na escola (I disapprove of your using (or: saying) swear words at school). As the participants
had only started the subjunctive before the holidays, it posed them problems, just like the
translation items which required the subjunctive.
Sentence 8 was idiomatic (Apetece-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin dos Bosques – I
feel like seeing the new film about Robin Hood), which proved quite difficult to retrieve and
resulted in such errors and non-target responses as: Queria-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin
dos Bosques (I would like me to see the new film…) or Deixa-me ver o novo filme sobre
Robin dos Bosques (Let me see the new film… - actually, the latter version was accepted, as
it was possible in the context).
Finally, Sentence 10 was also idiomatic (Como te correu o exame ontem? – How did you do
at the exam yesterday?). However, the participants tended to write: Como te passou o exame
ontem?, which was most probably an interference from Spanish (¿Cómo te pasó el examen
ayer?)
The multiple-choice test was not very difficult, but Sentences 2 and 7 proved to be
quite problematic. In Sentence 2 there were actually two possible options: Quando encontrei a
Ana, usava/ vestia sandálias brancas (When I met Ann, she was wearing white sandals).
However, the choice of the option “portava” reflected interference from French (“porter”) or
from Italian (“portare”), while “trazia” (she was carrying) may have been an
overgeneralization based on Polish, which does not differentiate between wearing and
carrying (the verb “nosić” has both meanings).
By contrast, Sentence 7 (No verão muita gente gosta de apanhar cogumelos – In
summer many people like picking mushrooms) required the collocation “apanhar cogumelos”.
However, especially the students of other philologies with Portuguese as an additional
language (9 out of 12 chose non-target responses) tended to choose the other options, namely:
�“coleccionar”(to collect – theoretically possible, but not idiomatic), “picar” (possibly under
the influence of English) and “pegar” (to catch/grab – a loose synonym, but incorrect in the
context).
On the other hand, the oral interviews mostly revealed attrition in the form of a loss of
fluency, which was also noticed by the students themselves (see below), however, some
interference from other languages was also observed.
The signs + and _ _ in the examples indicate the lengths of the pauses: + - a short
pause, and _ _ - a medium pause.
Example 1:
eh sou + uma estudante de: + eh + leitetura eh + e língua + ehm + italiana
(er I’m + a student of: + er + literature er + and language + erm + Italian)
The example reflects interference from Italian: 1) an interlingual blend (cf. Dewaele, 1998):
“leiteratura” instead of “literature”, cf. “letteratura”; 2) sou uma estudante: in Portuguese,
professions with the verb “to be” do not require an article, e.g. sou estudante (I am a student;
cf. sono una studentessa).
Example 2:
estudo anche inglês + com- + como: + os todos
(I also study English + li- + like + everyone)
“Anche” (also) is a switch into Italian; possibly the unfinished word (com-) was also an
interference which the participant managed to control (“come” in Italian, instead of “como”
(as) in Portuguese).
Example 3:
queria especialmente visitar eh + eh Lisboa + claro + eh: + e + otras + cidades + mais grandes
acho + como Porto + ou Faro
(I would especially like to visir er + Lisbon + obviously + er + and + other + cities + bigger I
think + like Porto + or Faro)
Interference from Spanish includes “otras” instead of “outras” (other) and “mais grandes”
instead of “maiores” (cf. más grandes); the omission the article (“o Porto” takes the definite
article, unlike other cities) may be either an overgeneralization, or interference from Polish,
which has no articles.
�Example 4:
agora + gosto d’ameliorai + ameliorar a minha + eh conhecidade deste + hm + desta língua
(now + I like to improve + improve my + er knowledge of this + hm + this language)
“Conhecidade” instead of “conhecimento” (knowledge) is a spontaneous creation in
Portuguese, but, possibly, Polish interfered with the speech plan, as in Polish “knowledge”
(“wiedza”) is feminine (masculine in Portuguese), while “a language” (“język”) is masculine,
that is why the student first wanted to say “deste língua”, but immediately corrected it to
“desta língua”.
Example 5:
penso em + traduzir + eh + documentos + leies
(I’m thinking of + translating + er + documents + laws)
Interference from Spanish resulted in the form “leies” instead of ‘leis’, cf. “leyes”.
Finally, as for the students’ own perception of the attrition of Portuguese, they
mentioned a variety of problems in the questionnaires:
They noticed attrition in the following areas: grammar (33 participants), fluency in oral
production (31), vocabulary (30), writing skills (11), auditory comprehension (9), and one
person wrote: “all of these, to different degrees” (translation mine). Only two did not report
any decrease in language skills. Some of them mentioned particular structures, such as
conjuntivo (the subjunctive), past tense forms, conditionals, some vocabulary items, some
forms of the imperfect, or grammar in general. One person wrote: “all that I haven’t written, I
forgot it over the summer holidays” (translation mine).
4. Conclusions:
To answer the research questions, first, apart from the multiple-choice test, which
required recognition rather than retrieval from memory, there were more incorrect and partly
correct answers and avoidance, than correct ones. Quite a lot of interference was observed,
from other Romance languages, especially from Spanish, but also French and Italian, as well
as from Polish and possibly from English (the errors in the conditionals, such as “se encontro
esse livro” may have been due to interference from Spanish or to combined interference from
Spanish and English). It is possible that English, as the foreign language they have studied
and/or used the longest, plays a special role in the participants’ language repertoires. Even
though it cannot serve as a source of lexical transfer, it may be a point of reference at the
�grammatical level, and transfer from Spanish which is also confirmed by the existence of a
similar structure in English may seem to the learner more likely to be correct. However,
Polish, as the native language, also remains active and is difficult to inhibit, that is why the
participants sometimes fell back on L1 routines, probably without even realising it.
Second, attrition can be observed in all areas, including fluency, pronunciation (some
Portuguese words, e.g. “especialmente”, were pronounced the Spanish way), grammar,
vocabulary and, as the students indicated, also writing skills and listening comprehension.
However, it can be assumed that this attrition is only temporary, that is, it is reflected in
performance, which is more prone to interference, but the underlying competence may not
have been affected. In fact, some of the students who did not remember how to form the
subjunctive at least wrote the word “conjuntivo” next to the sentences which required it, so
they remembered the rule, but not the verb forms. As they had only just started studying the
subjunctive before the holidays, the difficulty in using it suggests that the “last learned – first
forgotten” hypothesis may be true in this case.
Third, the attrition of Portuguese manifests itself, on the one hand, in the decreased
availability of words and structures, which is visible not only in the hesitations in speech, but
also in the gaps left in the test. On the other hand, the amount of interference from other
languages suggests that, while interference leads to attrition, a language which has not been
used for some time and has been partly deactivated may be even more prone to interference
from languages which remain more active.
Finally, as mentioned above, the students are aware of the attrition process and of the
areas it occurs in. The only dubious cases are the two participants who did not indicate any
decrease in language skills. The lack of attrition is quite unlikely; rather, it is possible that
either they did not monitor their production well enough, or they lacked metalinguistic
awareness. In fact, one person had visited Portugal during the summer holidays and worked
there as a volunteer on an ecological farm, but she indicated some problems with vocabulary
and writing and, rather surprisingly, speaking fluency. It is possible that while working on the
farm, unlike at university, she had little opportunity to speak about different topics.
In conclusion, one should agree with Herdina and Jessner (2002: 96) that attrition is
reflected mainly in a scatter of performance and that, over such a short period as the summer
holidays, it is performance rather than competence that undergoes attrition. In fact, in
multilingual systems, attrition can be accelerated by constant cross-linguistic interaction.
Given the interference from Spanish and other Romance languages (Italian and French), it can
�be supposed that, as two similar languages are coactivated to a comparable degree, they
influence and restructure each other more than less similar languages would.
In fact, the whole phenomenon of attrition can be attributed to a decrease in language
activation. As the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish (and other) items compete
for selection (cf. Green, 1993) and can be overlooked by control mechanisms, which leads to
increased interference. It is also possible that not only does attrition increase the activation
thresholds of languages, but it also weakens the control mechanisms which keep them apart;
to use Green’s (1986) terms, attrition depletes the resources necessary for the inhibition of the
non-target language. Another possibility is that the tags which indicate which language each
item belongs to are also partly deactivated and thus less available, that is why an item from a
non-target language may slip in.
References
Bardovi-Harlig, K. & Stringer, D. (2010). Variables in Second Language Attrition. Advancing
the State of the Art. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 32, 1-45.
Cherciov, M. (2013). Investigating the impact of attitude on first language attrition and
second language acquisition from a Dynamic Systems Theory perspective.
International Journal of Bilingualism, 17(6), 716-733.
De Angelis, G. (2007). Third or Additional Language Acquistion. Clevedon/Buffalo/Toronto:
Multilingual Matters.
Dewaele, J.M. (1998). Lexical inventions: French interlanguage as L2 versus L3. Applied
Linguistics, 19, 471-490.
Green, D.W. (1986). Control, Activation and Resource. Brain and Language, 27, 210-223.
Green, D.W. (1993). Towards a Model of L2 Comprehension and Production. In Schreuder,
R.
&
Weltens,
B.
(Eds.),
The
Bilingual
Lexicon
(pp.
249
–
277).
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Green, D.W. (1998). Schemas, tags and inhibition. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 1,
100-104.
Herdina, P. & Jessner, U. (2002). A Dynamic Model of Multilingualism. Perspectives of
Change in Psycholinguistics. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Herdina, P. & Jessner, U. (2013) The implications of language attrition for dynamic systems
theory: Next steps and consequences. International Journal of Bilingualism, 17(6),
752-756.
�Riemer, C. (2005). Erwerb und Verlust von Fremdsprachen. Pilotstudien zum Verlust der L2
Französisch. Zeitschrift für Fremdsprachenforschung, 16 (2), 217-233.
Sharwood-Smith, M. (1986). The Competence/Control Model, Crosslinguistic Influence and
the Creation of New Grammars. In Kellerman, E. & Sharwood-Smith, M. (Eds.),
Crosslinguistic Influence in Second Language Acquisition. (pp. 10-21). New
York/Oxford/Toronto/Sydney/Frankfurt: Pergamon Press.
Sharwood-Smith, M.A. (1989). Crosslinguitic influence in language loss. In Hyltenstam, K. &
Obler, L.K. (Eds.) Bilingualism across the lifespan: Aspects of acquisition, maturity
and loss. (pp. 185-201). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wlosowicz, T.M. (2012). Cross-Linguistic Interaction at the Grammatical Level in L3
Comprehension and Production. In Gabryś-Barker, D. (Ed.), Cross-Linguistic
Influences in Multilingual Language Acquisition (pp. 131-150). Berlin/Heidelberg:
Springer.
�
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2921
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THE ATTRITION OF PORTUGUESE AS A THIRD OR ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE OVER THE SUMMER HOLIDAYS
Author
Author
Wlosowicz, Teresa Maria
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina & Jessner, 2002). However, some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (Sharwood-Smith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays, they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive, which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian items compete for selection.
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International Burch University
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2015-09
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/a159617fa01d9eefa88273e991810234.pdf
acd4adeb8f51775eed16315c570c6fba
PDF Text
Text
TERMINI OZNAČAVANJA "BASME /BAJALICE" U SAVREMENOM GRČKOM
JEZIKU
Ljiljana M. Vulović
University of Belgrade, Serbia
Article History:
Submitted:
Accepted:
Abstract
Βajanje, basma, bajalica are the serbian words that belong to the circle of magical terminology.
Interesting is the comparative approach that compare the Serbs and the Greeks at the linguistic
aspect. Βajanje is seen as a magical behavior which aims to make a change in the desired
direction. As a rule, the basis of this behavior makes a voice part - specific language formula,
shorter or longer, which is usually called by Serbs basma. In the literature the Serbs use the word
bajalica as a synonym for the basma , term that in Serbian is used as a common name for a
person who is engaged in chanting, and it is usually a woman. Greek for bajanje use the term
καταδέσμος, while for the basma they have more terms: κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία, γητειά /
γήτεμα, ξόρκι, and επωδή. Based on these findings, we see that the Greeks „bajanje“ use the
above terms and that as a marker for the same action and as a result of these actions they have “
basme, bajalice”. In the case of the Greek’s terms we can make a classification on the basis of
objective magic spells that act on the content and those can be as follows: 1. positive or negative
for achieving any goal, whether good or bad - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία. We must draw
attention to just κατάδεσμος and μαγγανεία are basme with negative content and operation. 2.
those that are used for the treatment and reject evil ξόρκι, επωδή while γητειά / γήτεμα may be to
invoke the rejection of evil, so for healing and for love.
1
�Narodno bajanje predstavlja širok prostor za ispitivanje gradje kako kod Srba tako i kod Grka.
Ispitivanje se vrši sa više aspekata, držeći se magijskih principa i pravila koja vladaju u građenju
verbalne strukture bajanja. Interesantan je komparativan prilaz kojim se upoređuju basme kod
Srba i Grka s lingvističkog aspekta. Grci za "bajanje" koriste termin καταδέσμος, dok za basmu
imaju više termina: μαγεία, ξόρκι, γήτεμα, μαγγανεία, επωδή. Svaki termin označava posebnu
vrstu basme što se ogleda u različitim terminima označivačima. Na uporednom primeru svakog
grčkog termina videćemo podudarnosti u sistematizaciji naših basmi što otvara veliki prostor za
istraživanje.
Ključne reči: bajanje/ basma/bajalica, μαγεία, μαγγανεία , γήτεμα, ξόρκι, επωδή.
2
�1. Uvod
Narodno bajanje “kao oblik magijskog ponašanja čiji je cilj ostvarivanje neke promene u
željenom pravcu” ( Tolstoj, Radenković, 2001: 16) predstavlja širok prostor za višeslojno
ispitivanje građe, držeći se magijskih principa i pravila koja vladaju u građenju verbalne strukture
bajanja. Narodno bajanje kod Srba (i svih Južnih Slovena) je veoma detaljno obrađeno (v.
predloženu literaturu u fusnotamа) ali nedostaju radovi i paralelni primeri vezani za narodno
bajanje kod savremenih Grka a da su prezentirani na srpskom jeziku. Problem leži u jezičkoj
barijeri, pošto se prostorno šire izučavanje novogrčkog jezika kao stranog razvija tek nakon 1967
godine. Premda postoji mnoštvo radova na grčkom jezičkom području, u okviru
grčke
„λαογραφία“ etnologije, kod nas nema radova koji bi dali komparativni prikaz situacije pri
ispitivanju narodnog bajanja u istovetnoj funkcionalnoj i lingvističkoj problematici. Blizina dva
naroda, s aspekta teritorijalnosti, Srba i Grka, ekonomske i duhovne veze su svakako dovele do
postojanja ako ne semantičke istovetnosti, ono bar sličnosti u pogledu termina iz sfere verovanja i
običaja.
U ovom radu ćemo detaljnije raspravljati o terminima: narodno bajanje, basma / bajalica kao
delovima verbalne magije i kao zasebnim delom magijske prakse. Upotrebom izgovorene ili
pisane reči, najčešće je tajni, skriveni deo usmene ili pisane magijske tradicije u svakoj ljudskoj
kulturi. Usmeni korpus verbalne magije deo je kolektivnog pamćenja, tajno prenošen s kolena na
koleno i pamćen kao deo zajedničke prikrivene kulture pojedinaca koji su se kroz istoriju bavili
ovim umećem. Moramo skrenuti pažnju da „u izvesnom stepenu, na slovenska bajanja uticala je
pisana magijska književnost (apokrifne molitve, zaklinjanja, magijski zapisi i formule).
Prepoznatljiva su tri pravca uticaja: vizantijski (preko grčkog jezika), romansko – germanski
(preko latinskog i nemačkog) i u neznatnoj meri islamsko – orijentalni (preko turskog i arapskog
jezika). Najarhajičniji
sloj kod
Slovena je
u bajanjima i posebno se čuva kod Slovena koji
naseljavaju-balkansko – karpatsku oblast i na Ruskom Severu“. ( Tolstoj , Radenković, 2001:
18).
Narodno bajanje kod Grka u potpunosti se može uklopiti u sistem narodnog bajanja koji je
detaljno definisao i sistematizovao Ljubinko Radenković u nizu svojih radova a posebno u delu
3
�“Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena”. (Radenković, Lj, (1996a). Narodna bajanja kod Južnih
Slovena , Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU, dalje u tekstu: Radenković, 1996a ) .1
“Narodna bajanja su posmatrana kao specifičan oblik komunikacije. Veza između magije i jezika
odražava se kroz vjerovanje da određene riječi, izgovorene na određeni način, mogu uticati
preko uverenja da reči nose određeno značenje i određenu energiju. Magijski je govor stoga
ritualni čin i jednake je, ako ne i veće važnosti, za uspjeh magijskog čina od nekih neverbalnih
magijskih praksi i dejstvovanja. Postavljen je model komunikativnog lanca koga u ovakvim
slučajevima čine sledeći elementi: pošiljalac i primalac informacije (poruke), način, uslovi i
sredstva opštenja, kao i sistem kodiranja. Pošiljalac informacije jeste bajalica (po pravilu žena),
primalac je obično nevidljiv a zamišlja se kao biće iz divljeg sveta koje ugrožava čoveka kome se
pruža zaštita bajanjem. Informaciju (poruku) bajalica najčešće šalje verbalno i neverbalno,
odnosno izgovaranjem utvrđenog bajaličkog teksta i izvođenjem određenih radnji uz upotrebu
pojedinih predmeta. Da bi poruka bila na odgovarajući način primljena i da bi se izvršio
postavljeni cilj (najčešće iskazan kao razdvajanje demonskog bića od
čoveka) , strogo se
uvažavaju prostorno vremenski parametri (gde i kada se izvodi komunikativni čin)”.
(Radenković, 1996a: 8 - 9). Na osnovu iznetog citata sledi zaključak „ basma je ustanovljeni
govorni obrazac kojim se najčešće ostvaruje komunikativni čin bajanja“. (Radenković, 1996a:
65). Dakle, basma se shvata „kao „instrument“ posebne vrste i oblika koja nosi posebnu snagu i
koja ima za zadatak da vrati u normalno stanje narušeni poredak.“ ( Tolstoj , Radenković, 2001:
17).
Radenković (1996a:7) bajanje „ posmatra kao magijsko ponašanje čiji je cilj da se izvrši neka
promena u željenom pravcu. Po pravilu, osnovu tog ponašanja čini govorni deo – posebna
jezička formula , kraća ili duža, koja se kod Srba najčešće naziva basma i koju prate pravila
izgovaranja ( način, vreme i mesto).“
1
A takodje, i sledećim njegovim radovima :
Раденковић , Р.(1991). Казивања о нечистим силамa. Ниш.
Раденковић, Љ.(1982). Народне басме и бајања. Ниш; Приштина; Крагујевац.
Раденковић, Љ.(1996b). Симболика света у народној магији Јужних Словена. Ниш.
Radenković, Lj. (1973). Urok ide uz polje. Narodna bajanja . Niš: Gradina.
Radenković, Lj. (1982). Narodne basme i bajanja. Niš: Gradina,, Priština: Jedinstvo Kragujevac: Svetlost
Radenković, Lj. (1983). Narodna bajanja. Beograd.
Radenković, Lj. (1996a).Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena, Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU,
Posebna izdanja, knj. 60.
4
�„Prema nameni južnoslovenske narodne basme se mogu podeliti u tri grupe: 1) medecinske ( za
lečenje raznih bolesti ); 2) privredne (protiv grada, kiše, magle, protiv štetočina , za uspešan lov)
; za društveni život (ljubavne pesme).“ (Radenković, 1996a:72 ). Po strukturi pak, basme imaju
oblik ustaljenih fraza, molitva, zaklinjanja ili razvijenu sižejnu šemu. (Tolstoj, Radenković,
2001:17).
Cilj ovog rada jeste da se preciznije razmotre nekoliko verbalnih magijskih oblika i to sa tri
aspekta: književnojezičkog, istorijskog i etnološkog. To su termini bajanje /basma /bajalica.
Najpre ćemo
jasno da ih definišemo i prezentujemo kako na srpskom tako I na grčkom jeziku.
2. Narodno bajanje/ basma /bajalica
Basma i bajanje je komunikativni oblik skupa magijskih radnji koje su evidentne kroz celu
istoriju Slovena i svih susednih naroda a i šire. Bajati, bajem, bajam „izgovarati vradžbine, vršiti
propratne magijske radnje, proricati“, bajati vodu „madjijati„ (Bjeletić, Marta; Vlajić - Popović,
Jasna; Vučković, Marija; Djokić, Maja; Loma, Aleksandar; Petrović, Snežana,(2006) Etimološki
rečnik srpskog jezika 2, Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU. Dalje u tekstu Loma i
dr., (2006):83-84), odnosno, bjati-bajem pripadaju terminologiji , po mišljenju
Skoka (1971:
92-93) staroslovenskoj mitologiji i sferi običaja , verovanja i magijske prakse. Sama riječ dolazi
iz predhriščanske stare slavenske mitološke terminologije i narodnoga vjerovanja. Na zapadu, od
1452 godine za narodno bajanje se koristi termin „vražanje“ (bajati, -ēm impf, na istoku , vračati
na zapadu ).
Prvobitno značenje je isto kao i u gr. φημί “govoriti”. Pejorativno značenje razvilo se iz reči
“vračanje”. Ono se vidi najbolje u prefiksalnoj složenici nabajati nekome nešto ”nekoga krivo
izvijestit”. Ovo posljednje značenje nalazi se i u stčeš. boju, bati, kao i u lotiškom batJma »kriva
vijest« i u jednako obrazovanom latinskom fama, gr. φήμη »glas«. Pomoću sufiksa -n dobila se
izvedenici: basna f “(danas) fibula” a izvedenica koja se dobila pomoću sufiksom -ъka je bajka.
Moramo spomenuti i radne imenice na -ač: bajač, na -lac, -lica (v.): bajalac m prema bâjalica f,
pejorativna na -alo (v.): bojalo; na -vāc, -vica , bâjavac m prema băjavica î (kajkavski); i
denominale: òbajati, -jēm-pļ. (Vuk, na istoku) očarati (na zapadu).
Kako vidimo, izvedenice iz glagola bajati su imenice bajač, bajalac i bajalica za osobe koje
bajaju te reči bajka i basna, te basma za različite književne oblike. Radne imenice su bajač,
5
�bajalac, bajalica , pejorativna bajalo, denominali obajati/obajem „ očarati“ na zapadu. (Skok
1971: 92 – 93).
Po Skoku (1971: 92 – 93) osnova od koje nastaju gore navedeni termini je “praslavenska i
sveslavenska *ba-“, i ona je postojala i u baltoslavenskom te vodi poreklo iz ie Skok (1971: 92
– 93) navodi da Miklošič i Matzenauer smatraju da je reč u vezi s madž. báj »magia, incantatio,
ali i muka, zlo, teret« , terminom koji potiče iz tur. *bagy “veza”. Može se uporediti s džag. báj
»veza, čarolija«, bajlamak »očarati«, bajgin »začaran«. Nalazi se i u složenici đozbaidžija
“mađioničar” (göz »oko«) (Skok, Slávia 15, 343). Ovamo ide i bağlama kao prezime. Međutim,
nabajati i bajati u hrvatsko-kajkavskom znači “mučiti, štrapacirati, inkomodirati nekoga”.
Bajanje se kroz istoriju hrvatskog jezika , kako smo videli, naziva i „čaranjem, vračanjem i
vražanjem“. (Deniver Vukelić, Uvod u klasifikaciju verbalne magije i verbalna magija u zapisanoj
usmenoj hrvatskoj tradiciji, u Studiam Mythologica Slavica XVII, 2014: 243- 270, dalje u tekstu
Vukelić, 2014:243-270).
Ovaj termin bajati znači i “liječiti bolest ili drugu životnu teškoću paramedicinskim, natprirodnim
načinima”. Najčešći oblik bajanja stoga je primarno iscjeliteljski, odnosno ona predstavljaju jedan
od najstarijih oblika borbe čoveka protiv bolesti (Kropej 2009: 146) koja napada čoveka i sve što
ga živo okružuje. Dakle, kasnije se iz reči bajati razvilo i pejorativno značenje u kontekstu
nabajati nekome nešto „nekoga krivo izvestiti“, odnosno “pričati laži, pretjerivanja ili izvrnute
činjenice” što se vidi i u lat. fama „glas“.
Uz ovaj glagol postoji i glagol bahoriti, iz koje se izvode i reči bahorija, bahornik i bahorica, a s
prvobitnim značenjem “govoriti nejasne, magične formule” (Skok 1971: 92 – 93): bähoriti, -im
impf. (Vuk, 16. v., zapadni pisci) bajati . Odatle apstraktum na -ija i na -je', bahòrija , băhorje
„bajanje“, radne imenice bahornīk , bahoternik (valjda složenica) prema băhorica „bajalac, ica“. Glagol je izveden s pomoću h < s(k) od ie. osnove *ba-, koja se nalazi u gr. φημί »govorim«
i u našem bajati (v.), bajalac. Odatle rusko bahan “hvastati se” i radna imenica bahar' “brbljavac,
čarobnjak”. Osnova *bah-
nalazi se i u drugim slavenskim jezicima, osim u bugarskom i
poljskom. Zbog toga se može označiti kao praslovenska. Prvobitno značenje bilo je “govoriti
nejasne, magične formule”; odatle onomatopeiziranje osnove s pomoću -or-, upor. žuboriti,
krákořiti. Kao i bajati ide u (Skok 1971: 92 – 93).
Dakle, da zaključimo, psl. glagol izvodi se iz pie. korena *bha- < *bheH2- „govoriti“ (reč, molba,
zapovest) ; od ie. paralela najbliže stoji lat. fari sa prezentom proširenim sufiksom -ie- for <
6
�*faior prema prvobitnijem atematskom obrazovanju u gr.φημί, dor. φαμί . (Loma i dr.,2006:8384).
S druge pak strane postoji i reč čar koja takođe ima značenja kao i lat. divinatio, incantatio, rus.
volšebstvo i koja je podjednako baltoslovenski i sveslovenski magijski termin iz praslavenskog
doba. Iz nje proizlaze i reči čarati, čarovan (čaroban), čarovit, čarnik i čarnica, čaralac i
čaralica, čarovija (čarobija, čarolija, čarovnica (čarobnica) i čarovnjak (čarobnjak). (Vukelić,
2014:243-270). Kao najstariji slovenski termin iz oblasti magije, reči čar i čarati bile su tabu.
Zbog toga su za njih postojale posuđenice coprati, coprtja, cňparnjica i eufemizmi viška f (Lika)
vještica f, višćun , čini , opčiniti . Kad je riječ čar izašla iz folklorne magije, promenila je značenje
u ono jednako kao u latinskoj riječi carmen, incantare > fr. charme, enchanter. Prema Skoku
vokal á u čar dolazi od ie. e posle palatala, kako pokazuje lit. keras “čar”, odatle denominal kereti
“pogledom ili rečima začarati, ureći”, od ie. osnove qyęr- “činiti, obrazovati”. Osnovno je
značenje toga glagola bilo “činiti”,a kako pokazuje sanskrtska paralela karoti 3. 1. sing. “čini”, ali
i izvedenica nižeg prevojnog stepena , krty a znači “čar”; u keltskom (kimričkom) peri- također
znači “činiti”. Isti se razvitak ponavlja i kod Slovena (ini pl. m., opčiniti, u tal. fattura, stfr. failure
i španj. hechicera “vještica” (Skok 1971: 295). Čin se stoga definiše na tri semantička značenja:
1° oblik, način, 2° radnja, djelo, ali u folkloru 3° u pl. čini m. pored f. “incantatio” i “magija” te
radne imenice na -úń od participa perf. aktiva činilac m
prema činilica f “incantatrix” od
(op)Łiniti “začarati” (Skok 1971: 325 – 326).
“U raznim srpskim krajevima basma može biti označena i na drugi način;u istočnoj Srbiji –
basan, kod Srba krajišnika – basna , u Hercegovini i na Kosovu –bajka ,u Jadru – odbrajanje, na
Krodunu – izgovaranje i čitanje. Kod Bugara se javljaju slični nazivi: basma, basna, bailka,
basemka.” (Radenković, 1996a: 65). V. starorusko basniti “pričati, izmišljati”.
“U literature se kod Srba sreće i naziv bajalica kao sinonim za basmu” (Radenković, 1996a: 66).
Medjutim, termin bajalica se u srpskom koristi kao “najčešći naziv za osobu koja se bavi
bajanjem” i to su pojedinci, obično stare žene, a ređe i muškarci (Radenković, 1996a:14). Rečnik
SANU (1959: 247) konstatuje više sinonima za označavanje ovakvih lica: (za ženu) bajaluša,
bajanica, bajara, bajarica, bajačica, basmara, basmarica, bahorica, bahornica; ( za muškaraca)
bajalac,bajalica, bajalo, bajar, bajač, balać, basmač, basmadžija, bahornik. U rečniku JAZU
(1880:154) , za bajača postoji još naziv bahoternik. (Radenković , 1996a: 14).
7
�Kod Hrvata u Hercegovini – mole i moliboge, u Kotarima u Dalmaciji – vidigoje, u Makedoniji
su to basmarice, bajalici, bajaljki, u Bugarskoj – bajački, basmarki, u Sloveniji zagovarjalki, kod
Rusa zagovorščici itd. (Tolstoj, Radenković,2001: 17). One koje bajanjem nanose štetu se
nazivaju kod odredjenih naroda različito: vrčarice, vražalice, činjarice, madjionice,čarovnice,
coprnice, kaldunje. (Tolstoj, Radenković ,2001: 17).
3. κατάδεσμος
Ako skrenemo pažnju na termine “narodno bajanje” u smislu radnje, “basma” kao verbalni čin te
radnje i “bajalica” kao instrument / osoba koja vrši čin bajanja i pokušamo da pronadjemo
paralele kod Grka dobijamo sledeću situaciju: termin κατάδεσμος označava λαογρ. μαγική πράξη
που πιστεύεται ότι προκαλεί εμπόδιο ή βλάβη σε κάποιον ή ότι τον αναγκάζει να κάνει κάτι
(magijsku radnju za koju se veruje da može da uzrokuje smetnje ili da nanosi štetu nekome, ili da
ga prinudjuje da nešto čini) ( Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 853). Termin se u potpunosti slaže sa
značenjem reči „bajanje“ u kom smislu ga Grci i koriste. Mnogi rečnici takodje, navode da
termin označava „magijsku radnju“: (Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, από το Ίδρυμα Μ.
Τριανταφυλλίδη,
1998,
Αθήνα.
on
line
-
language.gr/greekLang/modern_greek/tools/lexica/triantafyllides/index.html
http://www.greek
u
daljem
tekstu
Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής,1998) κατάδεσμος , ο : (λαογρ.) μαγική ενέργεια που έχει ως
σκοπό να βλάψει κπ. ή να αποτρέψει κάποιο κακό:( (magijska radnja koja ima za cilj da škodi
nekome ili pak da odbije kakvo zlo).
Termin se sreće i u starogrčkom jeziku istog oblika i istog značenja κατάδεσμος. Od VI v. pre
n. ere pojavljuju se kod Helena , odnosno u staroj Grčkoj i u kolonijama grčkim magijski tekstovi
poznati pod nazivom κατάδεσμοι lat.
Defixiones “čarobni uzao, zatravljivanje čarobnim
uzlom “ ( Gorski, Majnarić , 1976: 217). Kod Senca (1910: 481 ) to je samo “ čarobni uzao”.
Vidimo da Senc i Gorski - Majnarić kao prmarno značenje daju “čarobni uzao”. To su bili najpre
kratki tekstovi pisani na olovnim tablicama a kasnije su stavljani u grobove. Česti su u grobovima
posebnih vrsta pokojnika ( άωροι, βιαιοθάνατοι ), pokojnika koji su iskusili mors immature “
preveremenu smrt” , ili umrli kakvom nasilnom smrću. Po sadržaju, najpre, se tim tablicama
pokušava umilostiviti njihov bes zbog takve smrti, gde je teško razlikovati molitvu od kletvi i tek
kasnije postaju prava bajanja/ basme. Vremenom ove tablice dobijaju drugačiji i sadržaj i oblik i
8
�postaju poseban oblik μαγικοί δεσμοί, το δέσιμο με μαγεία ( “magijska vezivanja,vezivanje
pomoću magije ), pisani na tankim olovnim listovima i urolani i učvršćavani i bušeni iglama . Po
sadržaju su to magijski tekstovi koji imaju za cilj da naškode nekome, bilo osobi bilo životinji ili
da pošiljaocu obezbede ljubav voljene osobe, ili da mu obezbede kakav uspeh u takmičenju ili
nekom sudskom sporu. Od bogova zazivaju se Demetra, Persefona, Erinije, Hekata i Gaja a od
muških božanstava Hermes. U kasnijem periodu pojavljuju se i imena egzotičnih demona i
bogova, a veoma često i samog preminulog. Vremenom sadržaj se menja i nalazi se na granici
izmedju kletve i molitve i u tom slučaju se mogu pojaviti i imena. (OCD, 2012:399-400).
Κατάδεσμος se održao kao poseban oblik magijske radnje
i delovanja sve do danas. U
novogrčkom posebno označava tzv. „crnu magiju“ , magijske radnje kojima se teži naneti zlo
kome, posebno osetljivim grupacijama i u osetljivim trenutcima ljudskog života, u vremenu
prelaska ( rodjenje, venčanje, smrt).
Što se tiče etimologije kατάδεσμος vodi poreklo od str gr κατα-δέω 1. čvrsto svezati 2. N.T.
zavezati 3. osuditi, zavezati. Φίλτροις καταδήσομαι „čarobnim napitkom uza se privezati”. Reč je
izvedenica od gr.glagola δέω „ vezati, privezati okovati (Senc, (1910): 481,188 ). U grčkoj
laografiji postoji veliki broj dela koja se bave ovom problematikom, posebno njihovim sadržajem.
2
2
-Κουκουλές, Φ.Ι., (1926) «Μεσαιωνικοί και νεοελληνικοί κατάδεσμοι 2», Λαογραφία 9 63.
-Επωδές και κατάδεσμοι από την ανατολική Σάμο / Μ. Γ. Βαρβούνηςby Βαρβούνης Εμμανουήλ Γερ. (1966) Published: Αθήνα: Αιγέας, 1992
-Ἐπωδές καί κατάδεσμοι Τριφυλίας μέ συσχετισμό πρός ἀρχαῖα, μεσαιωνικά καί ἄλλα νεώτερα στοιχεῖα / Δημ. Α.
Κρεκούκια...by Κρεκούκιας Δημήτριος Α. (1919-) Published: Ἀθήνα: Τυπ. Ἑλλάς, 1971
-Ἐπῳδαί (ξόρκια) καί κατάδεσμος ἐκ Νάξου by Οικονομίδης Δημήτριος Βασ. (1909-) Published: Σύρος: [χ.ἐ.],
1956
9
�4. μαγεία
Termin μαγεία „magija, vračanje, čaranje, čini” (Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 425) predstavlja σύνολο
από μυστικιστικές γνώσεις και ενέργειες με τη βοήθεια των οποίων ο άνθρωπος πιστεύει ότι
προκαλεί τη δημιουργία φαινομένων τα οποία δε συμβιβάζονται με τους φυσικούς νόμους ή την
κοινή εμπειρία (skup svih mističnih znanja i radnji pomoću kojih čovek veruje da izaziva
stvaranje fenomena koji ne odgovaraju prirodnim zakonitostima ili zajedničkom iskustvu )
(Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. ). Magija se deli na dve vrste: 1. μαύρη μαγεία
„crna magija“ 2. Λευκή μαγεία “ bela magija„.
Kod Babinjotisa (1998: 1036) μαγεία je το σύνολο των πράξεων (συνηθ. Τελετουργικών ) , με τι
χρήση αντικειμένων (λ.χ. ειδικών φίλτρων , βοτανιών ) ή των λόγων , με τα οποία πιστεύεται ότι
μπορεί κανείς να κάνει αόρατες δυνάμεις της φύσεως , πνεύματα, δαίμονες, κ.τ.ο. να επιδράσουν
για την επίτευξη επιθυμητού σκοπού (απόκτηση αγαθού, ωφέλεια ή βλάβη προσώπου κ.α.) (skup
svih radnji , obično obrednih gde uz pomoć objekata ( posebnih napitaka biljaka) ili rečima, za
koje se veruje da neko može nevidljive prirodne sile, duhove, demone da natera da deluju u
pravcu ostvarivanja željenog cilja (sticanje dobara, kakve koristi ili nanošenje zla kome ).
Srećemo i oblik τα μάγια „magija, vradžbina, čarolija, čari“ (Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425) što
predstavlja
“η άσκηση μαγικής επιροής“ ( vršenje magijskog uticaja) nastao
od μαγεία
promenom roda i akcenta. Τakodje , το μάγεμα „magija , vračanje, čar, čarolija, draž, uživanje“
(Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425).
Još u srednjevekovonom grčkom nalazimo na sledeća značenja termina μαγεία odnosno μαγειά:
najpre μαγεία,- μαγική τέχνη ( u značenju magijska umetnost, veština), -ενέργεια με μαγική
επίδραση, μάγια ( energija sa magiskim uticajem i delovanjem ) i - κάθε μέσο που χρησιμοποιείται
για μαγικό σκοπό ( označava svako sredstvo koje se koristi u magijske svrhe ). ( Kriaras, s.v.).
Ovaj termin srećemo i u klasičnom grčkom u istom značenju i upotrebi što samo još jednom
potvrđuje starinu ove vrste termina.
Kod Grka nailazimo i na glagol sa istom osnovom
μαγεύω “čarati, začarati, očarati, zavesti-
ασκώ μαγική επίδραση ιδίως βλαβερή· κάνω μάγια. „omađijati”, očarati, odnosno „vršiti magijski
uticaj, posebno loš“. Glagol dobija značenje αποδίδω σε κτ. μαγικές ιδιότητες “pripisati nekome
magijska svojstva”. Sinonim μαγγανεύω „omadjijati u negativnom smislu „ide zajedno sa
imenicom η μαύρη μαγγανεία,“ magija, opsena, prevara“ (Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425) η μαγεία
10
�που ασκείται για κακό σκοπό ( madjija koja se primenjuje
u negativnoj konotaciji, sa zlom
namerom ) (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 1035-1036 ).
Imenica μαγγανεία η je najpre 1. είδος μαγείας που χρησιμοποιεί μυστηριώδεις μεθόδους και
απευθύνεται
σε
κακοποιές
δυνάμεις
για
την
επίτευξη
ορισμένου
σκοπού,
συνήθ.
βλαπτικού. 2. (πληθ.) τα μέσα ή οι ενέργειες που χρησιμοποιούνται για τη μαγγανεία: Kάνει /
χρησιμοποιεί κάποιος διάφορες μαγγανείες. (vrsta magije koja koristi mistične metode i obraća se
zlim silama u cilju postizanja odredjenog cilja, obično štetnog, ili u množini označava sredstva ili
radnje koje se koriste tokom μαγγανεία, madjijanja, vračanja i svakako bajanja.(Λεξικό της
Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. )
Smatra se da su navedeni termini u vezi sa μάγος - ιερέας σε ορισμένους ανατολικούς λαούς κατά
την αρχαιότητα ( sveštenicima odredjenih istočnih naroda u staro vreme- `Πέρσης ιερέας obično
persijski, v. αυτός που ασχολείται συστηματικά με τη μαγεία στα πλαίσια μιας πρωτόγονης
κοινωνίας- onaj koji se bavi magijom u drevnim društvima ) : dok μαγεία, znači „θεολογία
των Μάγων» ( teologija magova) a str gr μαγεύω “ασκώ μαγεία“ ( vršiti , upražnjavati magiju ).
U književnosti str gr μαγγανεία ”μαγικό κόλπο“ znači “ magijska veština, umešnost, prevara“
(Balać-Stojanović, 2002:382). Hofmann (1950: 224) u svom Etimološkom rečniku takodje, ove
reči povezuje sa rečju μάγος, γόης- čarobnjak/mag, απατεών-lažov, prevarant, μαγεύω, γοητεύω,
θέλγω. Dok imenica μαγεία predstavlja
μαγική τέχνη, θεολογία των μάγων magijsku veštinu,
teologiju magova.Hofmann (1950: 224) Smatra da je reč pozajmjenica iz iranskog iz str. Pers.
Maguš μάγος Mag.
5. γητειά
Imenica γητειά
pripada terminima koji označavaju narodno bajanje i znači η πρόκληση ή η
αποτροπή ενός κακού, που προέρχεται συνήθ. από βασκανία, με μαγικά μέσα (prizivanje ili
odbijanje kakvog zla, koje proizilazi obično iz urokljivog pogleda, I opčinjavanja magijskim
sredstvima) dakle , to basma za skidanje uroka, čini, kako dobrih tako i zli. Posebno označava
basme koje su društvenog karaktera I služe za prizivanje i otklanjanje ljubavnih problema. Reč
označava i „ sve ono što poseduje magijska svojstva” -
ό,τι θεωρείται πως διαθέτει μαγικές
ιδιότητες.
11
�Srednjevekovna i savremena γητειά je nastala od γητεία a u vezi je sa glagolom
γητ(εύω) .
Kriaras (s.v.) smatra da γητεία je μαγική επωδή odnosno μάγια.
Ovoj leksičkoj porodici pripada i glagol γητεύω “ vračati, bajati, ureknuti“ (Balać-Stojanović,
2002: 170) -κάνω μαγεία σε κάποιον , ασκώ μαγική επίδραση με ξόρκια- (omađijati nekoga , vršiti
magijski uticaj
vračanjem, bajanjem) odnosno, κάνω γητειές „
vršiti vračanja, bajanja“
(Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 170) , kao I προκαλώ ή αποτρέπω ένα κακό με μαγικά μέσα “izazivam i
odbijam kakvo zlo magijskim sredstvima (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 420) . Od iste osnove imamo i
reč η γητειά κ. γητιά, λογ. γητειά - η μαγική ενέργεια ή λόγος , που αποσκοπεί στην πρόκληση ή την
αποτροπή του κακού ή την ερωτική έλξη, ή το γήτεμα „ vradžbina „(Balać-Stojanović 2002: 170) (
magijska radnja ili govor koji ima za cilj zazivanje ili otklanjanje zla ili se koristi za ljubavno
privlačenje, ili gitema ) (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998:420). Ovde vidimo i termin γήτεμα το - η ενέργεια
ή το αποτέλεσμα του γητεύω-
koji označava „eneregiju ili rezultat delovanja glagola
γητεύω“.Tako imamo tri oblika, različitog roda ali istog značenja: γητειά , γητιά, γήτεμα.
Što se tiče etimologije Babinjotis (1998:420) smatra da je ona neizvesna. Dopušta da je
verovatno od str gr γοητεύω
nastao naš glagol.
od aorista εγοήτευσα > εγήτευσα sa gubljenjem nenaglašenog –o
O poreklu glagola γητεύω postoje više
mišljenja. Srednjevekovno gr
γητεύω potiče od str gr γοητεύω “μαγεύω“, od γογητεύω. Druga pretpostavka je dao Filinda
(Φιλήντα. Γλωσσογν. 2, 43) I označava glagol kao γιατρεύω με μαγικά μέσα „ lečiti magijskim
sretstvima“ i izvodi ga od εγώ γοητεύω > γογητεύω, apokopom prvog sloga. Interesantno je
tumačenje kojer daje Hadzidakis
koji glagol povezuje
sa γύφτος > γυφτ-εύω > γυτεύω,
ciganima budući da su se oni bavili bajanjem i vračanjem, te time umanjuje starinu ovoj jezičkoj
porodici I njen nastanak smešta u srednji vek.
Ovako široko determinisanje γητειά , γητιά, γήτεμα svrstava ove termine u grupu bajalica I basmi
kojima su se lečile odredjene bolesti. Tako da cilj odredjuje vrstu, da li je basma za lečenje, ili
basma za postizanje kakvog cilja (najčešće ljubavnog).
6.ξόρκι
Termin ξόρκι-„vračanje, bajanje, čaranje, molitva kod bajanja, magično sredstvo“(Balać,
Stojanović, 2002: 502) označava μαγικά λόγια που, σύμφωνα με λαϊκές δοξασίες έχουν τη δύναμη
να απομακρύνουν τα κακά πνεύματα , να θεραπευτούν αρρώστους ( magijske reči, magijski govor,
12
�koji na osnovu narodnog mišljenja ima snagu i moć da otkloni zlo i da leči bolesne)
(Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 1238).
Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής( 1998 : s.v. ) ξόρκι determiniše kao συμβολικά μαγικά λόγια
που σκοπό έχουν να διώξουν τα κακά πνεύματα- ( simbolične magijske reči koje imaju za cilj da
oteraju zle duhove ).
Glagol iste osnove ξορκίζω -ομαι “ bajati, zaklinjati, terati neko zlo vračanjem I bajanjem”
(Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 502 ) znači i
απομακρύνω, διώχνω τα κακά πνεύματα με ξόρκια ή με
άλλα μαγικά μέσα ( odbiti,oterati zle duhove putem bajanja ili nekim drugim magijskim
sredstvima ). Glagol ima značenje i εξορκίζω
„zakleti negog (da nešto ne uradi)”. (Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. )
Sreće se u srednjevekovnom grčkom ξορκίζω od ἐξορκίζω u značenju „επιβάλλω όρκο nametnuti
zakletvu nekome“. Istu osnovu vidimo i u reči ξορκιστής ο „ „zakljinjač, onaj koji baje, vračar”
(Balać, Stojanović, 2002: 502) a za ženu ξορκίστρα. Kriaras ( s.v.) za ξόρκι navodi značenje
μαγική ευχή, επωδή για την απομάκρυνση κακού „ magijska želja, magijska pesma u cilju
otklanjanja zla“ .
U suštini ξόρκι je poseban vidi bajalica, bolje rečeno magijskog govora, jer često sadržaj je veoma
teško razumljiv ili čak potpuno nerazumljiv, koji ima primarno značenje otklanjanj zla. Verovatno
reč nastaje u srednjem veku.
7. επωδή
I konačno, srećemo se i sa terminom
η επωδή
„ vračanje, čaranje, bajanje, zavera„
(BalaćStojanović, 2002: 280) i u značenju -σειρά τυποποιημένων φράσεων , ( γενικότ.) το
τραγούδι ή α λόγια , για τα οποία πιστεύεται ότι απαγγελία ή η καταπολέμηση των κακών
πνευμάτων , τη θεραπεία ασθενειών, συν. Ξόρκι, μαγγανεία , ( η επωδή-μαγικό τραγούδι, ξόρκι) (
niza tipičnih fraza , uopšteno pesama ili reči , za koje se veruje da recitovanje istih ili jednostavno
izgovaranje ima uspeha putem magije da se bori protiv zlih duhova, ili da leči bolesne , sinonimi
su ξόρκι, μαγγανεία γητειά, dakle, επωδή je magijska pesma , istovetna sa ξόρκι) (Μπαμπινιώτης,
1998: 669).
Kod Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής (1998: s.v.) επωδή je λόγος (συνήθ. έμμετρος και σε
ιδιάζουσα γλώσσα) με μαγικό περιεχόμενο, ο οποίος απευθύνεται σε δαιμονικές δυνάμεις με σκοπό
13
�την αποτροπή ορισμένου κακού (govor, obično u stihu i na posebnom jeziku, magijske sadržine,
koji se upućuje demonskim silama u cilju odbijanja odredjenog zla ).
Reč potiče od starogrčkog ἐπῳδή 1. Hvalospjev i molitva kod žrtava u Perzijanaca, u kojoj su se
svi bogovi i sveti dusi zazivali. 2. čarobne pjesme (Sirena). Napose a), basma, bajanje za liječenje
bolesti. b ), čarolije da se pridobiju prijatelji i ljubavnici a to je : urok , napitak (φίλτρα).
(Senc,1910:345).
Na osnovu iznetog vidimo da Grci za „bajanje“ koriste gore navedene termine i to kao
označivača za samu radnju, dakle “bajanje, vračanjem mađijanje, omađijanje” i kao posledicu te
radnje “ basme, bajalice”. Termini se po sadržaju ne mogu striktno svrstati u podelu koju daje
Radenković , budući da vidimo da se svi termini po upotrebi preklapaju. Možemo izvršiti podelu
na osnovu cilja magijske radnje na basme koje po sadržaju mogu biti:
1. Pozitivno / negativne za postizanje kakvog cilja, dobrog ili lošeg - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία,
μαγγανεία. Tu moramo skrenuti pažnju da samo κατάδεσμος i μαγγανεία su basme sa negativnim
sadržajem i delovanjem.
2. One koje služe za lečenje i odbijanje zla ξόρκι, επωδή, dok ητειά/γήτεμα može biti za prizivanje
i odbijanje zla, stoga lečenje i za ljubavne čini. Tabelarno to izgleda ovako:
Κατάδεσμος
μαγεία
Μαγγανεία
Γητειά/γήτεμα
Ξόρκι
Επωδή
-
+
+
+
+
Tabela I
Tek nakon detaljne obrade i prezentacije sadržaja navedenih basmi/bajalica možemo izvršiti
uporednu analizu kako sadržaja tako I termina koji se koriste. Medjutim, i na pojedinim izvodima
evidentirano je da postoji veliki stepen leksičke i sadržajne identičnosti kod basmi kod Srba i kod
Grka, koja je utvrdjena i kod drugih naroda u Jugoistočnoj Evropi.
14
�Literatura
-
Balać, A.- Stojanović, M. (2002).Grčko-srpski rečnik . Beograd:Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna
sredstva-Beograd.
-
Μπαμπινιώτης, Γ.(1998). Λεξικό τής Νέας Ελληνικής Γλώσσας. Aθήνα:Κέντρο Λεξικολογίας.
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Gorski, O.- Majnarić, N. (1976). Grčko-hrvatski ili srpski rječnik . Zagreb: Izdavačko preduzeće
„Školska knjiga“.
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ETIMOLOŠKI REČNIK SRPSKOG JEZIKA 2 Sveska 2: BA–BD2, (2006) redaktori Bjeletić,
Marta; Vlajić - Popović, Jasna; Vučković, Marija; Djokić, Maja; Loma, Aleksandar; Petrović
Snežana, Beograd .
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Hammond, N.G.L. -Scullard, H.H. (1970). The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford
University Press. (OCD).
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Hofmann, J. B. (1950). ΕΤΥΜΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΝ ΛΕΞΙΚΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΑΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ,
ETIMOLOGISCHES WORTERBUCH DESGRIESCHISCHEN. Munchen.
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E. Kriaras’Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Greek Literature . Dostupno preko http://www.greek
language.gr/greekLang/medieval_greek/kriaras/index.html ( 15.02.2015).
-
Kropej, M. (2009) Slovenian Charms Between South Slavic and Central European Tradition. U:
Charms, Charmers and Charming – International Research on Verbal Magic. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 145–162.
-
Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, από το Ίδρυμα Μ. Τριανταφυλλίδη, 1998, Αθήνα . Dostupno
preko
:
http://www.greek
language.gr/greekLang/modern_greek/tools/lexica/triantafyllides/index.html (15.02.2015).
-
Νεοελληνικές λαϊκές επώδες ( γητείες, ξόρκια):μορφολογικά χαρακτηριστικά και εθνογραφικές
καταγραφές. Πασσάλης , Χαραλάμπος Ν., ΑΠΘ, Τήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας.2000. σε
ΑΠΘ
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Мијушковић М. Љубавне чини. Београд, 1985
-
Radenković, Lj, (1996). Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena . Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki
institut SANU .
-
Раденковић , Р. (1991). Казивања о нечистим силам. Ниш.
-
Раденковић ,Љ. (1982). Народне басме и бајања. Ниш; Приштина;
Крагујевац.
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Раденковић, Љ.(1996b). Симболика света у народној магији Јужних
Словена. Ниш.
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Radenković, Lj. (1973). Urok ide uz polje. Narodna bajanja, Gradina, Niš.
-
Radenković, Lj. (1982). Narodne basme i bajanja. Niš: Gradina,
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Riječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika, JAZU, Zagreb, 1880.
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Senc, S. ( 1910). Grčko-hrvatski rječnik . Zagreb: reprint 1988.
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Skok, P. (1971-1974). Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika / T. 1-4, Suradjivao V.
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16
�
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2917
Title
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TERMINI OZNAČAVANJA "BASME /BAJALICE" U SAVREMENOM GRČKOM JEZIKU
Author
Author
Vulović, Ljiljana
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Βajanje, basma, bajalica are the serbian words that belong to the circle of magical terminology. Interesting is the comparative approach that compare the Serbs and the Greeks at the linguistic aspect. Βajanje is seen as a magical behavior which aims to make a change in the desired direction. As a rule, the basis of this behavior makes a voice part - specific language formula, shorter or longer, which is usually called by Serbs basma. In the literature the Serbs use the word bajalica as a synonym for the basma , term that in Serbian is used as a common name for a person who is engaged in chanting, and it is usually a woman. Greek for bajanje use the term καταδέσμος, while for the basma they have more terms: κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία, γητειά / γήτεμα, ξόρκι, and επωδή. Based on these findings, we see that the Greeks „bajanje“ use the above terms and that as a marker for the same action and as a result of these actions they have “ basme, bajalice”. In the case of the Greek’s terms we can make a classification on the basis of objective magic spells that act on the content and those can be as follows: 1. positive or negative for achieving any goal, whether good or bad - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία. We must draw attention to just κατάδεσμος and μαγγανεία are basme with negative content and operation. 2. those that are used for the treatment and reject evil ξόρκι, επωδή while γητειά / γήτεμα may be to invoke the rejection of evil, so for healing and for love.
Publisher
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International Burch University
Date
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2015-08
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
-
https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/5fd9d53bbe66af262ab3493413b160e4.pdf
24e75db673287ee63af9ba8a801880bb
PDF Text
Text
ROLE OF JADID REPRESENTATIVES
IN THE FORMATION OF PRESENT UZBEK LITERAL LANGUAGE NORMS
Inomjon Azimov
Nizami Tashkent State Pedagogical University, Uzbekistan
Article History:
Submitted: 13.06.2015
Accepted: 25.06.2015
Abstract:
Language is the mirror of a nation. All changes occurring in the life of a nation,
undoubtedly, find their reflection in language. In this regard, patriots and eminent figures of a
nation have always considered language as good means of self-apprehension, elevation of its
greatness and glory, reservation and reiteration of spirituality during hard times. Particularly
during the first quarter of the XX century, known in history as the National Renaissance,
academicians and scholars paid a lot of attention to language as they believed it was
engendering national spirituality and elevation of national ideology in people. They
considered language to be an invaluable pearl which indicates the existence of a nation. In
this regard, in the view of development of our own language, we have accumulated all the
facilities and initiated elaboration of rules of Uzbek language.
1. Introduction
From the history of our science it is known that Uzbek linguistics till the 30s of the
past century, with its scientific-theoretical, practical-stylistic features, and social-cultural
contradictions is one of the actual issues subject to studying. Particular aspects of Uzbek
linguistics of that period are not studied much. Till our Independence an opinion that Uzbek
linguistics have started forming in the 40s prevailed, while Uzbek linguistics of the 20s and
30s was not considered at all. Whereas, during the initial period following the October
revolution scholars such as Fitrat, Shokirjon Rahimiy, Qayum Ramazon, Elbek, Gozi Olim
Yunusov, and others have contributed much to the development of Uzbek linguistics.
Due to various disputes among academicians in regards to a variety of views towards
language orthography, education of mother language in schools was in poor condition.
There was a shortage of school manuals – ABCs and other books, while available ones did
not correspond to requirements. There was not any scientific research on the rules of Uzbek
�language and there was not any manual on Uzbek Language Grammar. The following is a
quote by Hoji Muin in the article on “Til masalasi” (Issue of language) in the 29th issue of
1918 of “Mehnatkashlar ovushi” (Voice of labour): “We cannot blame present scholar and
interpreter friends for not knowing Turkic rules, they are unplumbed in this regard. As none
of them and us have not studied in particular school. Education of language rules is usually
given at specialized schools, but such schools are not yet opened in our Turkistan. And
education of morphology and syntax of Turkic language has not yet started in new schools.
Our Turkic language is still a un-researched language and there is not any single Tractate on
its morphology and syntax. Our preceptor friends are not aware of language rules in detail,
which is evident from the books and school manuals written by them [1,92].
At that time the grammar of Turkic language was taught in the majority of Jadid
schools. Fitrat ruled that our schools and letters remain under Ottoman influence. In his
speech at Qurultay (Council) of Language and Orthography in 1921 mentions that the
majority of hours given to teaching/learning of mother language in the courses opened at
Tashkent are presented in Ottomanic; in the First Teachers’ Courses opened in Samarqand
there is no inherence of mother language at all; decision of Education Council Session of
1918 and Teachers’ Qurultay of the past year stipulates education of mother language during
initial three years only, then after general Turkish language (Ottoman Turkish language) is
to be taught; disputes of teachers attending the course of Uzbek language taught under
Ottoman Turkic Sheikh Vosifiy’s izofai lamiya, izofay bayoniya, izofai tashbehiya from
“Qavoyidi lisoni usmoniy” elevated from Arabic language - all of these insulting and
showcasing disrespect towards our language [2, 234-135].
Of course, there were objective and subjective reasons for this condition. First of all,
there was a shortage of skilled teachers. Vadud Mahmud, a Uzbek scholar, writes the
following: “If so, there is not any single school we can indicate; upbringing is so important
for us – education establishments are in worst conditions; notwithstanding amount of
educated people in the faculty, faculties are disgusting. We do not have any establishment
preparing any teacher in adjusted system. At worst, we do not have any single magazine
leading proper education and upbringing. Frankly speaking, we don’t have anything with
proper background” [3, 115].
He mentions that schools are being closed for the reason that majority of teachers,
who studied at Teachers’ Course, are not educated enough, with no particular goal, working
just to let time pass and teaching almost nothing to children. He says that if situation
remains same, illiteracy will continue further: “We have reverted back to past condition this
�year! I.e., how we were before revolution, we are in worse condition now. 5-6 teachers left
the country and busy with other work. Thus, we degraded again” [3, 113].
Secondly, shortage of manuals for schools of new style. Hoji Muin writes the
following in this regard: “If one reason for this is absence of books, another would be
teachers’ methods, which are totally away from education. Initially few teachers had to
implement tartarian books into their schools and some of them - translation of TurkicTartarian works for teaching kids. Even, due to absence of books, teahers had no option
except teaching with such old books as “Chor Kitob”, “Mantiq ut-tayr”, “Huja Hofiz” and
Navoi’s works. [1, 141-142].
“Usuli savtiya” by Ismoilbey Gaspirali successfully implemented in express
education of children in Bahchisaray was approved by Central Asia Jadids. Manuals taught
in traditional “Usuli hijo” in the region were replaced with “usuli savtiya” in new schools.
Advantage of this method in practice was quickly noticed and was well appreciated by
common. Row of special ABCs were created for teaching in such method. [4, 336].
Y.Abdullaev and A.Nurmonov in their researches mention about such ABCs made
during that period [4,5]. А.Nurmonov evaluates Saidrasul Saidazizov’s “Ustodi avval” and
Munavvar qori Abdurashidkhonov’s “Adabi avval” as initial and complicated examples of
Uzbek alphabet as well as closely speaks on Saidrasul Saidazizov’s manual. Y.Abdullaev
mentions creation of dozens of ABCs till 1917, but abovementioned two works being the
most complicated ones. [4, 336].
This is why the most important challenge of Uzbek intelligence was elaboration of
Uzbek language rules and execution of scientific researches as “till there is no any scientific
research – none of these will remain further” [2, 141].
For this reason it was important to deeply analyze nuncupative and scriptural sources
of our nation, to mutually compare, make scientific conclusions and, by this means, to
elaborate rules of Uzbek language: “Let us scientifically clarify number of sounds in our
language. Let us shout that our language is exemplary and rich; we have struggled and
overwhelmed those saying “This language is rude, let us take one of literal dialects of Turkic
language”. Hence, we have not yet arranged sign rules of our language. We have to provide
“singleness” of our symbols and elaborate concrete rules of our language for the benefit of
our writers. First of all we ourselves should know these rules.
Pure shape of our language we shall grab from the language of our people residing in
tribal. There are dostons (rune), ashula (song), matal (proverb) and lapar (cuplet) which
always represented native dialect of tribal people. All of this has to be put down carefully;
�hence there are works of aristocratic poets scripted within public. There are ancient
historical documents as “Qutadgu biling”, “Hibatul haqoiq”, “Devoni lugatiti turk”,
“Muqaddimatul adab”. Let us meticulously examine all of these; compare to each other,
coincide and avail precise and solid results. Efforts and results availed in this regard and
shape – would be scientific. And there won’t be anyone commenting the same” [2, 141142].
But implementation of this work, firstly, was very complicated. Secondly, it was
work that few scholars could afford to do. These were duties subject to joint implementation
by all nation scholars: “It is obvious this work is to be inconvenient. It can not be done by
one person. Challenges faced in this path will fall onto all recently appeared young writers.
We all are obliged to give basis, to dedicate contemprorary cultural essence to new Uzbek
literature” [2, 142].
Scientific Council under Turkistan Education Commissariat disputes in this regard.
During the First Council attended by Russian professors as Е.D.Polivanov, D.Shmidt,
S.Falyev, Kazakh, Tartarian and few Uzbek scholars such as А.Boytursinov, А.Sa’diy,
N.Hakim, who were invited from various educational establishments. They listened lectures
by Professor S.Falev on Morphology and Orthography of Kazakh dialects prepared by
A.Boytursinov, Kazakh linguist; during Second Council they listened E.D.Polivanov’s
lecture on “Basics in formation of morphology and orthography of Turkic languages”; at
Third Council - “Basics in studying and formation of rules of Turkic languages” by А.
Sa’diy.
According to A. Sa’diy, two issues caused disputes during the Council, which were:
“1. Is it possible to follow, take example and refer to languages of other groups
during structurizing rules of Turkic languages?
2. Is it expedient to form logical morphology and orthography to the nature of Turkic
languages? Either uniform logical morphology and orthography?”
Е. D. Polivanov in his lecture underlines his opinion in usefulness of comparison
with Russian language either reference to Russian morphology and orthography during
formation of morphlogy and orthography of Uzbek language, showcasing similarities and
analogy of two languages. А. Sa’diy would totally reject this opinion and note that Uzbek
and Russian languages are totally different. He mentions that Uzbek grammar differs from
morphology and orthography of Russian and Arabic languages and mentions origination of
totally different morphology and orthography. He also mentions that the grammar is
measured narrowly against Turkic languages, appearing as headless, cut-off, not applicable
�for implementation in lingual aspect as unworthy clothing; in this regard impossibility of
analysis of words. As written by him, professors invited for formation of Uzbek language
Grammar did not speak Uzbek, Turkic or Tartarian languages, and there were translators
involved for them. Elbek’s article on “Discussion on rules of Turkic languages” was written
in relation to the Council held, which includes scholar’s critics on those professors not
knowing any single kalima (word) in Uzbek language, but came to form its grammar, and
also mentions that formation of rules of Uzbek language is for those familiar with its overall
spirit and speaking this language [6, 18].
But the elevation of the Uzbek language to the level of literal language, and its
convertion into a literal one was a challenge at that time. As there were Farsi-Tadjik
traditions in imaginative literature, Arab traditions in scientific literature continuing,
opinions on elevation of “populace” Uzbek language onto the level of literal one were
virtually nonexistent. Secondly, reference to Ottoman Turkic language in literature was very
tough. Vadud Mahmud writes in this regards: “If we count Uzbek as a derivation of chigatay
poets dialect, we shall encounter two different dialect”.
Some would say it is dialect of Eastern Turkic either Chigatay, this is our main
dialect which was written by Navoi, Bobur, Fazliy. Others may be western Turkic either
Turkic dialects, which is known for us due to famous lyric poet Fuzuliy. Quby poets
followed this. It is considered not strange for us with the importance of first dialect of these
two being our language, whereas second one with the reading lovely” [3, 59].
Thirdly, as mentioned by Fitrat, there were many elements of Tartarian words mixed
in official language. This is why the majority of scholars could not believe Uzbek language
to become a literal language due to mixture of elements of many languages in it.
In such complicated conditions, the nation’s scholars lead by Fitrat struggled for
development and independency of Uzbek language, wishing for an “independent language
in Turkic group and science written in this language” This is why it was a must-to-do for
any Uzbek writer to elaborate Uzbek versions of words derived from other languages,
attempts in searching Uzbek (Turkic) versions of scientific revelations, to remain versions
which could not be replaced, but to moderate them under rules of Uzbek language.
Role of members of “Chigatoy gurungi” (Dialect of Chigatay) lead by Fitrat in
notification of signs of Uzbek language was irreplaceable. They have put forward the
following tasks:
“- there is complete, great, artistic literature of our language. Constancy of our
language is not in its Arabism, but in itself. We should reveal this;
�- in order to develop our literature, we need to utilize everlasting heritage of our
poets and achieve general basics of developed dialects and languages;
- rules of our language to be written not from Tartarian either Ottoman books, but
to be taken from our own language. This is why there is a need to collect all the
words spoken by common, gather all the fairy tales, proverbs, couplets being a
public literature;
- since literature is scriptural science, to form and elaborate writing rules and
signs”. [2, 135].
Members of “Chigator gurungi” have made a goal to create new Uzbek national
literature, literal language, science and culture. They wished to elevate new literature and
literal language, being a progency of chigatay literature, to renew its popularity as during
Navoi’s age, to be a sample literature and sample literal language for other Turkic
languages.
2. Conclusion
Due to our Independence we are able to study works of victimized scholars. Few
problems of Uzbek linguistics, the linguistic heritage of Jadid representatives, lexis of their
works, literal language style was studied by scholars as А.Nurmonov, S.Zufarov,
Y.Abdullaev, К.Nazarov, А.Madaminov, М.Valihonov and М.Qurbonova. Moreover, their
role in formation of stylistic norms of our language, serious analysis of their scrupulous work
in this regard is very vital.
A detailed study of scientific-imaginative heritage of nations’ patriots - who
sacrificed a lot on the way to national independency, struggled for the development of our
language, contributed much to the development of Uzbek’s literal language - to have justified
and impartial evaluation of their service in the development of Uzbek linguistics is one of the
main tasks encountered by our linguists.
References:
Hoji Muin. Selected works. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2010.
Fitrat Abdurauf. Selected works, Chapter IV. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2006.
Vadud Mahmud. Selected works. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2007.
A.Nurmonov. Selected works, 3-chapter. 3rd Chapter.-Т.: Academnashr, 2012.
Y.Abdullaev. Birinchi Uzbek alifbosi (First Uzbek alphabet) // Uzbekiston adabiyti va san’ati
(Literature and Arts of Uzbekistan, February 6, 1991.
�Sh.Bobomurodova. Uzbek tilshunosigi rivojida Elbekning roli (Role of Elbek in development
of Uzbek linguistics: Dissertation for the Cand.Sc. (Phil.). –Т., 2002.
�
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ROLE OF JADID REPRESENTATIVES IN THE FORMATION OF PRESENT UZBEK LITERAL LANGUAGE NORMS
Author
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Azimov, Inomjon
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
Language is the mirror of a nation. All changes occurring in the life of a nation, undoubtedly, find their reflection in language. In this regard, patriots and eminent figures of a nation have always considered language as good means of self-apprehension, elevation of its greatness and glory, reservation and reiteration of spirituality during hard times. Particularly during the first quarter of the XX century, known in history as the National Renaissance, academicians and scholars paid a lot of attention to language as they believed it was engendering national spirituality and elevation of national ideology in people. They considered language to be an invaluable pearl which indicates the existence of a nation. In this regard, in the view of development of our own language, we have accumulated all the facilities and initiated elaboration of rules of Uzbek language.
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International Burch University
Date
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2015-07
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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1
THE USE OF AGENT-BASED MODELS IN COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS: AN
APPROACH TO CHOMSKY’S LINGUISTICS THROUGH THE CLARION MODEL
Miriam Bait & Raffaella Folgieri & Oscar Scarpello
Università degli Studi di Milano, Milano, Italy
Article History:
Submitted: 09.06.2015
Accepted: 21.06.2015
Abstract
In this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models (ABM) (Gilbert 2008) to study
the development of historical natural languages starting from a universal grammar according to
Chomsky’s "Theory of the principles and parameters" (Chomsky 1995) .
The CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002) integrates implicit and
explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, with the motivational aspect, i.e.
accepting the cardinal principles of the embodied mind (Clark 1997) and recognizing the basic
role of direct men- environment interaction in cognitive mechanisms. Ron Sun develops these
points in a theory of mind and in a thorough discussion of learning problems.
The goal of an artificial neural network (ANN), based on a CLARION architecture, is to
verify theoretical assumptions through simulation, bringing together the dichotomy between
implicit (subsymbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge through a learning mechanism
realized by the extraction of explicit rules by subsymbolic knowledge, based on interaction with
the world. In the real world, cognitive operations are mostly performed unconsciously.
Moreover, learning is carried out through attempts, in dynamic circumstances. The methodology
allows to observe the development of cognitive structures of individual agents through ABM and
contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and unexpected routines or mechanisms. The
use of neural models as learning tools implies that the simulations are realistic, considering the
relationship between intentional behaviour, learning, desires, individual structures and social
structures. The simulation, thus, enables a study the mind from an evolutionary perspective (that
of satisfying a particular need in a physical and sociocultural world), understanding how
individual structures and social institutions and environment could change each other.
�2
Through ANN-based models one can build realistic 'intelligent agents', i.e. with a 'mind',
minimizing the programming of rules of behaviour and letting the interaction with the
environment produce efficient behaviour.
Key words: ABMS, Agent Based Model System, CLARION, implicit (subsymbolic) and
explicit (symbolic) knowledge, embodied cognition, language and grammar.
�2
1. Introduction
Following Heidegger (2013), being-in-the-world is an essential condition of the human
cognition: this means to recognize the basic role of the direct, immediate, non-deliberative
humans-environment interaction. It does not require the mediation of any form of representation,
but consists in a functional-associative process, in which the knowledge of an object is strongly
related to the instrumental value of it, in relation with the subject. Furthermore, a central idea is
that also the explicit knowledge is strongly influenced by this aspect.
In this paper, we focus on the study of the development of historical natural languages
starting from a universal grammar according to the Chomsky ‘s "Theory of the principles and
parameters" (Chomsky 1995). To do this, we needed to identify a model suited to perform a
cognitive simulation of all mechanisms.
But, how could we simulate and comprehend a disordered and non-intuitive system like
the humans-environment learning paradigm?
«One promising approach involves what has become known as an autonomous-agent
theory. An autonomous agent is a creature capable of survival, action, and motion in real time in
a complex and somewhat realistic environment» (Clark 1997, 6).
Studying the process in their relationship with the world becomes essential, as well as the
attention we must assign to the interdependency between learning and acting.
A useful tool «is the use of simulated evolution as a means of generating control systems
for (real or simulated) robots. Simulated evolution (like neural network learning) promises to
help reproduce the role of our rationalistic prejudices and predispositions in the search for
efficient solution» (Clark 1997, 87).
The central element is the evolutionary character of the model. The immediateness of the
cognitive processes characterizes human action also in structured social contexts: «The idea, in
short, is that advanced cognition depends crucially on our abilities to dissipate reasoning: to
diffuse achieved knowledge and practical wisdom through complex social structures, and to
reduce the loads of individual brains by locating those brains in complex webs of linguistic,
social, political, and institutional constraints [...]. Human brains, if this is anywhere near the
mark, are not so different from the fragmented, special purpose, action-oriented organs of other
animals and autonomous robots» (Clark 1997, 180).
�3
There are situations in which the environment is structured so that an individual does not
need great elaboration processes to achieve an objective. The objective of a simulation is
comprehending and analysing the totality of the humans-environment relationships and Clark
(1997) recognizes these possibilities.
The starting point of our work is the acknowledgement that cognitive science call for a
methodological approach allowing a cross-discipline study of the mind based on an evolutionary
perspective. As already mentioned, in this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models
(ABM) [Gilbert 2008] to study the development of historical natural languages using the
CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002). The simulation allows to study the
mind from an evolutionary perspective (satisfying a particular need in a physical and
sociocultural world), understanding how individual structures and social institutions and
environment could change each other.
Section two is devoted to Ron Sun’s mind theory and to the description of his CLARION
model (Sun, 2002), while section three describes the designed simulation. In section four we will
discuss the results and in last chapter five we will draw our conclusions and suggest possible
future developments.
2. Ron Sun’s mind theory and the CLARION model
Ron Sun (2002) developed these points in a mind theory and, in particular, in a thorough
discussion of the learning problem. Both these aspects are then realized in a cognitive modular
architecture, namely CLARION (Connectionist Learning with Adaptive Rule Induction ONline), that integrates implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive level and
together with the motivational aspects, whose objective consists in verifying the theoretical
assumption through a simulation. The fundament of this mind theory is the dichotomy between
implicit (sub-symbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge and the learning mechanism that is
the construction of explicit rules of the sub-symbolic knowledge. The latter is founded on the
interaction with the world: it is a fundamental implicit process, direct and not mediated by
representations. In daily activities, under the time pressure, most of the cognitive operations
realised, are performed without any reflection. Furthermore, learning happens by attempts, in
circumstances in which the scenario is not stationary, stable and not for the individual who acts
and learns. These adaptability and dynamism are reproducible only by neural networks or
�4
simulations environments. In Sun’s model this implicit process is based on the reinforcement
learning and on the Q-learning algorithm. These methods simulates humans’ learning that is
graduated and action-oriented (Sun 2002, 25). The following phase of the bottom-up learning
corresponds to the algorithm for the extraction of rules called Rule-Extraction- Revision (RER)
(Sun, 2002). This algorithm allows to extract from neural networks the essential elements to
construct a rule formed in an explicit manner, that is in the “if-then” form.
Our purpose is based on the use of the CLARION cognitive architecture (Sun 2002) and
the agent-based model, to enable individuals to learn a language from a universal grammar,
drawing on Chomsky’s "principles and parameters theory" (Chomsky 1995) and then to act and
interact within an environment.
The methodology allows us to observe the development of cognitive structures of
individual agents through ABM and contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and
unexpected routines or mechanisms. The use of neural models as learning tools implies that the
simulations are realistic, considering the relationship between intentional behavior, learning,
desires, individual structures and social structures.
The sub-symbolic knowledge is suited to grasp the peculiarity of the men-environment
and men-men interaction. The extraction method consisting in selecting information from the
implicit knowledge allows to formulate the concepts themselves in an explicit form. The
fundament of the symbols must be sought in the sub-symbolic knowledge and particularly in the
interaction among agents and between agents and environment.
In this context, the neural models can significantly contribute to set the significance of
representations and the concept of intentionality.
3. Tools and Methodology
The adopted methodology is interesting for the effects we can observe in the
development of the cognitive structures of single agents in information technology simulation
realized through ABM (Agent Based Models) we will describe in the following. In fact, this kind
of simulations allow to study the emergence of non-programmed and unexpected routines or
mechanisms. The use of neural networks as learning instruments make realistic the simulations,
thanks to complex architecture not limiting to act in a “reactive” way to the stimuli from the
environment.
�5
The realized model is composed of a cognitive architecture that allows learning and of a
platform where it is possible to develop the agents simulation.
The cognitive architecture is CLARION, chosen for its modularity and for the capability
to integrate implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, combining all
these element with the motivational aspect.
Figure 1: CLARION (The Connectionist Learning with Adaptive Rule Induction ON-line)
We wish to highlight that the three innovative aspects of this architecture are:
I. The interaction between cognition-motivation and environment: the motivations of the
agent correspond to social needs, the trigger of every action and cognition.
II. The ability of the agent to learn autonomously, regardless of the cultural context provided
a priori. The learning and the formation of implicit knowledge is based on a trial-anderror criterion. The abstract and explicit knowledge can be extracted from the implied
knowledge. It is gradually acquired through a "bottom-up" process.
III. The constant interaction of multiple subsystems.
�6
Neural networks are the first step of the hierarchy of knowledge: through parameter
estimation it is possible to build a function that can associate (such as, map) different values,
through a reward-punishment process, in a continuous interaction with the outside world. The
algorithms used are the reinforcement learning and Q-learning: the advantage of these processes
is that no preset external value is required in order to estimate the values of the network
variables. Once the network is trained, it is possible to derive rules and concepts to create explicit
knowledge.
The simulation with ABMs is defined within a delimited environmental system,
populated by actors who perceive a certain state of the system, interact with each other, and
express a certain preference structure which might change in the very course of the simulation.
To design the simulation, we chose the NetLogo (https://ccl.northwestern.edu/netlogo/)
platform because this software is suitable for complex systems evolving over time. More
specifically, the purpose of this simulation is to explore how and to what extent the properties of
language users, learning, environment, structure of the social network, may influence the spread
of a language.
In this model, two linguistic variants are at work within the social network: one variant is
generated by grammar 0 and the other is generated by grammar 1. Speakers interact, at each time
cycle, according to the network links. At each iteration, every speakers pass on a sentence
expressed in Grammar 0 or Grammar 1 to neighbors in the network. Then individuals listen to
their neighbors and change their grammars according to what they have heard.
The model is organized into three distinct but interacting elements:
the environment;
speakers acting within this environment;
the social network
�7
Figure 2: the simulation developed in NetLogo
The structure given to the environment has been characterized by defining variables and
procedures that provide a dynamic foundation for agents that act within it, interacting with each
other and with the created environment.
The speakers interact with two different grammars that are learned using the CLARION
cognitive architecture. In this model, each grammar is associated with a weight, which
determines for every speaker, the probability to access that grammar. The speakers still produce
statements in compliance with the grammar of access, but individuals now have a probability to
produce sentences with or without the original parameters. This allows us, according to what
Troutman, Goldrick, and Clark stated in their study (2008), to detect intraspeaker variations
when changing the language.
Learning determines the interaction modality with the environment and, consequently,
the degree of language proficiency that the speakers will acquire during the simulation. The
degree of competence achieved allows to activate the algorithms and communication procedures
in order to create the link between the individual speakers environment and the procedures for
dissemination in the social network.
�8
English speakers and Italian speakers interact with each other according to the network
links. Every iteration make all agents speak, and listen at the same time, thus passing an
statement to their neighbors and consequently modifying their grammars according to what they
receive as input from other speakers. All speakers, after each iteration, update their grammar
immediately after listening. This implies a choice for one of the two polarizing grammars on the
basis on its weight. If the selected grammar is able to analyze the expression correctly, the
grammar is rewarded by increasing its weight. Otherwise, the grammar is penalized by
decreasing its weight.
In addition, the speakers have a bias in favour of the English grammar that was
introduced by Troutman, Clark and Goldrick (2008). Their results show that a bias is a crucial
component in the variation pattern of the language.
Finally, the implementation of the social network characterizes the interaction between
speakers making communication possible and influencing with its form and structure, evolving
in time, the time and modes of communication. Starting from this assumption, the implemented
network was reconsidered as a structure with a mesh topology, where each node is directly
connected to the other nodes by random bonds, using for each connection a dedicated branch.
More specifically, the model starts from the creation of links between nodes (speakers)
over time, trying to realize a fully meshed topology within a limited group of speakers who
represent a kind of "eco-village" following the "Rule of 150". The number of Dunbar (or rule
150) states that the size of a social network capable of supporting stable relationships is limited
to about 150 members (Hill Dunbar 2002).
4. Results and discussion
In the simulation, at the initial moment of interaction of a group, the speakers of two
different languages, implement accommodation strategies to communicate. Later, the increase of
linguistic competence obtained by speakers during the cycles of the simulation time, transforms
the process of diffusion into an individual exchange interaction. The users of a language choose
one of neighbours they are randomly linked to, by adopting the grammar of the other, simply by
proximity. The individual exchange between speakers is intuitively the moment where individual
elements of a group, having acquired a good linguistic competence individually interact with the
others in order to create personal relationships with other individuals.
�9
Increasing the language competence, the simulation ends with a third phase where
speakers do not start from opposite positions, since they have mediated the differences and have
developed skills since the beginning of the simulation, and may aim at a common result.
The following picture shows the average distribution of the languages among speakers.
Italian speakers are represented by the blue line, while Anglophone agents are in the red one; the
ordinate shows the distribution while the abscisses the time in the simulation.
Figure 3: average distribution of the languages in speakers
As a result, it is possible to notice the development of the use of one grammar instead of
another to communicate among all members of the group, without being anchored to a basic
form of communication given by the mediation of two different grammars.
It has also been noted that the value of the bias in favour of grammar 1 has a very strong
weight, and this is essential to enrich the social network with a motivation element by the
subjects.
Moreover, it is possible to find the percentage of the initial distribution of grammars to
establish the minimum number of Italians that is required in order to invalidate the bias of
prejudice in favor of the spread of English grammar.
5. Conclusion
The first conclusion considering the results of the simulations and the cases examined,
concerns the actual occurrence of an adjustment by the speakers and a development in the use of
a grammar instead of another to communicate between all members of the group.
�10
The interaction with the environment and the interaction within the social network permit
the achievement of a high level of language competence. When this level is acquired, the
speakers reach constantly the threshold value of one of the two grammars examined.
It has also been noted that the value of the bias in favour of the English grammar is a very
strong weight, and this is essential to enrich the social network with a motivational framework of
speakers. The preference of a grammar enhances the language competence.
Finally, it has been observed that some initial distributions into groups of speakers can
invalidate the prejudice in favor of the use of a language because of their number. This might
mean that an environment that is strongly characterized by the presence of a language (e.g.,
Italian grammar) leads the speakers not to communicate with the other (English grammar), even
if the individual and the aggregate preference would say the opposite.
The action of an agent within a simulation is the result of complex dynamics among
factors such as action, thought and external structures. In short, the agent simulates cognitive
processes.
Only within an evolutionary perspective the world becomes a space of computational
resources that are complementary to human cognitive processes. Therefore the mind has created
much of its representations that are local and action-oriented. Under this new light, defining
knowledge as "distributed" acquires even greater meaning.
In fact, cognitive architectures that are based on networks, are inspired by the brain
structure and it is claimed they provide excellent tools for the study of the mind and its
functioning. Their development has played a very important role in the philosophical debate, in
particular, within the domain of cognitive sciences and the philosophy of mind.
A serious mistake, however, would be to take radical positions disregarding
representational and computational methods. The problem is still open, but the concept of actionoriented representation is crucial in order to grasp one of the many aspects of the brain-world
relationship. This new interpretation gives prominence to the simulation, and in particular to
simulation through agents, fostering new methodological perspectives for the cognitive sciences.
�11
References
Gilbert N., (2008), Agent-based models. No. 153. Sage.
Chomsky N., (1995), The Minimalist Program (Current Studies in Linguistics),
MIT Press.
Clark A., (1997), Being there: putting brain, body, and world together again,
MIT Press, Cambridge MA.
Heidegger, M. (2013). Essere e tempo. Utet Libri.
Hill, R. A., & Dunbar, R. I. (2003). Social network size in humans. Human nature,
14(1), 53-72.
Sun R., (2002), Duality of the Mind, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ.
Troutman, C., Clark, B., & Goldrick, M. (2008). Social networks and intraspeaker
variation during periods of language change. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in
Linguistics, 14(1), 25.
�
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THE USE OF AGENT-BASED MODELS IN COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS: AN APPROACH TO CHOMSKY’S LINGUISTICS THROUGH THE CLARION MODEL
Author
Author
Bait, Miriam
Folgieri, Raffaella
Scarpello, Oscar
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
In this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models (ABM) (Gilbert 2008) to study the development of historical natural languages starting from a universal grammar according to Chomsky’s "Theory of the principles and parameters" (Chomsky 1995) . The CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002) integrates implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, with the motivational aspect, i.e. accepting the cardinal principles of the embodied mind (Clark 1997) and recognizing the basic role of direct men- environment interaction in cognitive mechanisms. Ron Sun develops these points in a theory of mind and in a thorough discussion of learning problems. The goal of an artificial neural network (ANN), based on a CLARION architecture, is to verify theoretical assumptions through simulation, bringing together the dichotomy between implicit (subsymbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge through a learning mechanism realized by the extraction of explicit rules by subsymbolic knowledge, based on interaction with the world. In the real world, cognitive operations are mostly performed unconsciously. Moreover, learning is carried out through attempts, in dynamic circumstances. The methodology allows to observe the development of cognitive structures of individual agents through ABM and contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and unexpected routines or mechanisms. The use of neural models as learning tools implies that the simulations are realistic, considering the relationship between intentional behaviour, learning, desires, individual structures and social structures. The simulation, thus, enables a study the mind from an evolutionary perspective (that of satisfying a particular need in a physical and sociocultural world), understanding how individual structures and social institutions and environment could change each other. Through ANN-based models one can build realistic 'intelligent agents', i.e. with a 'mind', minimizing the programming of rules of behaviour and letting the interaction with the environment produce efficient behaviour.
Publisher
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International Burch University
Date
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2015-07
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics
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https://eprints.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e567382af27c499e7240f8b4a9d3cb3f.pdf
cef0633bb886c7618e503ccdec1921de
PDF Text
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TEACHERS AS PATIENCE STONES: A METAPHOR ANALYSIS OF STUDENTS’
CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF EFL TEACHERS IN TURKEY
Melike Baş & Betül Bal-Gezegin
Amasya University, Turkey
Article History:
Submitted: 02.06.2015
Accepted: 18.06.2015
Abstract
With the application of cognitive linguistics to language teaching and learning,
metaphor analysis has gained interest among researchers in recent years. This study, which is
conducted in an EFL language environment in Turkey, aims to investigate students’
metaphors that underlie their conceptualizations on English language teachers. Participants
are students of English (n=83) studying at a university in Turkey during 2014-2015 academic
year. Students were first instructed on the concept of metaphor, then they were asked to
complete the metaphor elicitation sheet including the prompt “An English teacher is like ...
because ...” Data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Conceptual Metaphor
Theory defined and developed by Lakoff & Johnson (1980), who consider metaphors as
mental constructs that shape human thinking about the world and reality, is used as the
theoretical background for this study. The linguistic metaphors provided by the participants
were first categorized thematically and then examined in parallel with previous studies
(Oxford et al., 1998; Saban et al., 2006). Results revealed a variety of underlying
conceptualizations that reflect different individual mappings across conceptual domains. The
findings yielded new categories, which imply that culture as well as students’ personal
experiences might shape their perceptions on language teachers. The study is significant in the
sense that it highlights the use of metaphor as an effective cognitive tool to better understand
students’ beliefs of their language teachers and their language learning process. In addition, it
provides an opportunity for the teachers to have a self-reflection on their roles as language
teachers.
Key words: conceptual metaphor, learner perception, English language teacher, EFL,
Turkish
1
�1. Introduction
With the rise of cognitive approach to language learning in recent years, the number of
studies focusing on learners’ beliefs has increased dramatically. The study of perception and
beliefs in language learning is important since it provides the evidence to figure out how
language learners view the learning context. There are several ways which enable researchers
to elicit the beliefs and conceptualizations of learners and practitioners. One increasingly
popular method is metaphor analysis, whereby participants generate metaphors for relevant
activities and concepts and then actively work on them.
Metaphors, in the sense of Lakoff & Johnson (1980a), are fundamental mental
operations by which we understand the world through mapping from known domains to
unknown domains, and that some conceptualizations are metaphorically organized in our
minds. Cognitive theory sees metaphor as a process and a product of mapping across concept
domains. For instance, in the conceptual metaphor TIME IS MONEY, time (a more abstract
entity) is viewed as money (a more concrete entity) as in the examples “You’re wasting my
time”,“You’re runningout of time”, etc. (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b, p.454). Conceptual
metaphors are usually expressed in an A IS B format, using capital letters.
It is believed that metaphors of language learners may help teachers to develop
professionally by revealing students’ experiences of language learning activities and
situations (see for example, Cameron, 2003; Cortazzi& Jin, 1999; de Guerrero &Villamil,
2002). Students’ beliefs and perceptions of their teachers can be an indicator of their attitudes
to language learning and even their overall success of the target language. It is important for
the language teachers to find out these hidden perceptions which might help them to obtain
more insights on their students’ overall perceptions of language teachers. This, in turn, helps
the teachers to foster language learning and focus on the reasons of negative attitudes and
eliminate them as possible.
There are a number of studies that investigate how teachers of English are
metaphorically conceptualized by both students and teachers themselves. These studies can be
grouped into three in terms of the providers of metaphors on language teachers, namely,
(prospective) teachers themselves, students, and both teachers and students. It should be noted
that the majority of studies on metaphor analysis in EFL contexts (see e.g. Ellis, 2001, 2003;
Zapata & Lacorte, 2007; Erkmen, 2010) have centered on metaphors from teachers, not the
language learners themselves except for a few studies (e.g. Ahkemoğlu, 2011). The studies
that explore metaphors from teachers’ perspectives generally aim to help the teachers to
2
�express and “construct representations of themselves and their experience” (Kramsch, 2003,
p.125) and “to promote awareness of professional practice” (Cortazzi& Jin, 1999, p.155).
Within this framework, this study aims to explore students’ beliefs about their English
language teachers through an analysis of metaphors they produced within an EFL context
with the guidance of the research question “What metaphorical images do Turkish EFL
students use to describe the English language teachers?”
2. Methodology
In this study, we follow the general approach to metaphor collection and analysis by
Cameron
&
Low
(1999),
which
involves
"collecting
examples
of
linguistic
metaphors...,generalizing from them to the conceptual metaphors they exemplify, and using
the result to suggest understandings or thought patterns which construct or constrain people's
beliefs and actions” (p.88).
2.1. Participants & Setting
The study took place in the Department of Foreign Language Studies at Amasya
University in Turkey. The participants were 83 preparatory class students studying English at
2014-15 academic years. The participants’ age ranged between 18 and 20. They had been
studying English since their secondary school, and their English level could be considered A1
(CEFR).
2.2. Instrument and Data Collection
Data were collected through a self-designed metaphor elicitation sheet adopted from
previous studies (Oxford et al, 2006; Saban et al., 2006). The students were first presented
with a general definition and description of the concept of metaphor followed by examples
and excerpts obtained from previous studies (e.g. a child is like a notebook because whatever
falls on it makes a trace). As the next step, the metaphor elicitation sheets written in students’
first language were distributed. The sheet aimed to elicit their metaphors of English teachers
via the prompt “An English teacher is (like) ... because … .” This prompt requires the
participants to express their ideas about what they believe of the language teachers. This
personal metaphorical reasoning was later used to classify the metaphors in the data analysis
phase and understand the rationale for choosing these specific metaphors.
2.3. Data Analysis
3
�The metaphor analysis methodology employed by Saban, Koçbeker & Saban (2006)
and Oxford et al. (1998) was adopted in the study. The steps followed for data analysis are:
i)
listing the collected examples of linguistic metaphors (e.g. Student-13 “meyve”
[fruit]),
ii)
identifying main categories of metaphors in accordance with the students’ rationale
behind choosing specific metaphors (e.g. teacher as a basic need-fruit),
iii)
constructing conceptual themes based on the main categories identified (e.g. SOURCE
OF KNOWLEDGE, GUIDE, etc.),
iv)
grouping the metaphors under main themes, and
v)
establishing inter-rater reliability. In order to ensure inter-rater reliability, we asked
three outside researchers to independently review eight categories obtained from the
data. Discrepancies were discussed and a consensus was reached on for disagreements.
3. Findings and Discussion
The analysis of data yielded 67 properly-structured metaphors. These metaphors are
grouped under 15 conceptual categories. Table-1 presents these categories, with their
definitions, frequencies and linguistic metaphors in each category.
Table-1 Teacher metaphors by students and their descriptions
Categories
1.
Definition
n
Examples
teacher as a
Teacher provides guidance
12
guide in a desert,
guide
and directs students, helps
director, family, guide,
them achieve goals, supports
map, pilot, star, the sun,
the students, corrects them
supporter, mother,
when necessary
worker who guides the
mine workers in a coal
mine
2.
teacher as the
Teacher is the source and/or
11
book, transporter,
source of
conduit of language:
primary school teacher,
knowledge
dispenses language
computer, daily
knowledge to students
newspaper, library,
parents, treasure, a
collection of all the
4
�books in the world
3.
teacher as basic
Teacher is a vital element to
8
fruit, pencil lead, rain,
need
survive. She meets the basic
fountain, water, water
needs of the students learning
and oxygen
a language
4.
teacher as a
Teacher is someone who has
patient person
to be very patient in the
7
mother, Darwin,
patience stone
process of teaching
5.
teacher as an
Teacher provides the students
5
transporter on a river,
instrument
with the necessary tools and
piano, brain, key,
opportunities to learn the
window
language
6.
7.
teacher as a care
Teacher takes care of the
giver/repairer
students especially when they
care unit nurse,
are in need of correction
maintenance
teacher as a
Teacher takes care of the
cultivator
growth and improvement of
4
nurse, doctor, intensive
4
gardener, farmer
3
brain, God, boss
the students. Teacher's job is
to construct the optimal
environment in which the
inner nature of the mind could
grow and nourish
8.
teacher as an
Teacher is the superior power,
authority
authoritative figure, and the
decision maker. She controls
the students
9.
teacher as an
Teacher is funny, friendly,
entertainer
energetic, entertaining the
3
soap opera, smurfs, toys
students in the language
learning process. Such a
teacher does not bore her
students
10 teacher as a
Teacher never stops learning
2
sunflower headed to the
5
�.
chaser of
new things
sun
knowledge
11 teacher as a
.
molder/crafts-
Teacher shapes the students’
2
interior designer, cook
2
mirror, a Turkish
minds
person
12 teacher as a
.
reflector
Teacher reflects her own
experience, background and
citizen who went to
knowledge, as well as the
Germany in 1960s
culture of the target language
13 teacher as an
.
effective agent
Teacher plays a significant
2
ink, revolution
2
cactus, hammer
1
construction worker
role in students’ lives, i.e.she
affects the students andyields
change in their lives by
leaving a trace on those she
teaches
14 teacher as a
.
harmful agent
Teacher punishes students
when they are not good
enough
15 teacher as a
.
builder
Teacher helps students to be
successful
The qualitative analysis of the metaphors generated by the participants shows that
almost all of the students participated in the study have a positive attitude towards language
teachers. There are only four images out of 67 contained a negative description of the
teachers, namely, cactus, hammer, boss and God. In the cactus metaphor, the teacher is
depicted as an unsuccessful person who spends long time to teach but cannot improve
students’ language skills. Similarly, the student who uses the metaphor of “cactus” indicates
that the teacher punishes the learners especially if they do not understand English. In both of
these metaphors students attribute the notion of punishment with teachers. In the other two
negative metaphors, boss and God; teachers are perceived as people who have the sole power
and authority.
There is diversity in the metaphors found. As can be seen in Table-1, there are 15
categories and the metaphors include images of plants, various jobs, entities, and instruments.
The analysis shows that language teachers are seen as enjoyable (soap opera, smurfs, toys);
6
�effective (ink, revolution); productive (interior designer, cook); self-reflective (mirror);
necessary (fruit, pencil lead, rain, fountain, water, water and oxygen); growth providing
(gardener, farmer) agents.
In this study, teacher as a guide (n=12)is the most recurrent metaphor, and quite
similar in number, the next category was teacher as source of knowledge (n=11). It is obvious
that students consider their language teacher both as the one who teaches them the target
language but also guides them in their learning procedure. These metaphors reflect the image
of a teacher type who has all the knowledge and skills that students may need. TEACHER AS
GUIDE metaphor entails that the language learning is seen a goal-oriented and teacherfacilitated process. TEACHER AS THE SOURCE OF KNOWLEDGE metaphor, on the other
hand, implies that teachers are the ultimate providers of knowledge whereas learners are the
receivers of the information.
Another point to be discussed based on the metaphors found is that, as it is known,
within the communicative language teaching; the focus has changed from teacher to student.
This indicates that teachers should not be regarded as the sole source of knowledge but the
guide to help the students find their ways in learning and exploring the target language. As
can be seen above in Table-1, there is a large amount of metaphors indicating that students see
their teachers both as a guide and source of knowledge. This might mean that there is a shift
from what is called classical teacher role of “knowledge provider” to the role of “guide”.
Thus, it is satisfying to see that metaphors, which show that students see their language
teacher as an authority in class, are very limited (brain, God, boss).
Although this study shares some of the metaphors formed by teachers and learners in
previous studies about language teachers such as gardener (Oxford et al, 1998), parent, map,
etc. (Saban et al, 2006), mother, water, book, cook, doctor (Nikitina & Furuoka, 2008),
director, the sun (Guerrero & Villamil, 2002), it also reveals some metaphors unique to the
present study (e.g. Darwin, stone of patience, google, sunflower headed to the sun, etc). It
seems likely that these differences are due to cultural and contextual factors of this particular
teaching atmosphere. The metaphor “stone of patience”,
for example, is a common
expression used in the Turkish culture. It is mostly used for people and it indicates that the
person who is the stone of patience shows an unusual patience towards a difficult situation or
task. There are five students who form this metaphor. With this metaphor, they indicate that
their language teachers are very patient people who put a lot of effort in the procedure and
have to wait for a long time to see improvement of their students. The students underscore
7
�that the language learning is a gradual and difficult procedure, and the teachers are doing their
best to wait for the success of their students patiently.
4. Conclusion
In the present study, we investigated and classified students’ metaphors about the
concept of English language teacher. The analysis of the metaphors has yielded some fruitful
and insightful understandings of the roles of these teachers in this particular teaching context.
To begin with, the study shows that the diversity and richness of the metaphors provided is an
indicator of how varied metaphorical images students have on the same concept. The study
also highlights the value and significance of metaphor analysis as a tool to assist students in
examining their values, beliefs, and conceptualizations of their teachers. In addition, it is a
useful pedagogical tool for teachers to review and revise their teaching practices, their roles as
language teachers and their attitudes if necessary.
Another important finding is that students continue to identify their teacher with a
series of traditional teaching roles, such as leader, provider of knowledge, agent of change,
and nurturer; however, these students also have a more “facilitating” role of their teachers
which is relatively a more recent teacher role appeared with communicative teaching
methodology. With the rise of this theory in language classrooms, the roles of teachers have
shifted from being the only source of knowledge to the one who guides to seek and find
knowledge. As this study shows, the two most commonly used metaphors come from both of
these roles of teachers, namely, teacher as the knowledge provider and teacher as the guide. It
is inferred that with a few exceptions (boss and God), students, in fact have come to the
realization that the classroom is not teacher-centered anymore. Students should also actively
participate in the learning process and teachers are there to foster their learning.
It should be within the objectives of the teacher development programs to uncover students’
perceptions of their teachers through use of metaphors by which students’ conceptual
frameworks are analyzed. Becoming more aware of their beliefs and strategies by means of
metaphors, language teachers can develop better insights into their existing roles according to
students and thus they can adapt their teaching styles and strategies accordingly if necessary.
References
Cameron, L. (2003). Metaphor in educational discourse. London: Continuum.
8
�Cortazzi, M.,& Low, J. (1999). Bridges to learning: Metaphors of teaching, learning, and
language. In L. Cameron, & G. Low (Eds.)Researching and applying metaphor
(pp.149-176). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ellis, R. (2001). The metaphorical constructions of second language learners. In M. P. Breen
(Ed.)Learner contributions to language learning: New directions in research (pp.6568). Harlow: Longman.
Ellis, R. (2003). A metaphorical analysis of learner beliefs.In P. Burmeister, T. Piske& A.
Rohde (Eds.)An integrated view of language development: Papers in honor of Henning
Wode. Trier, Germany: WissenschaftlicherVerlag.
Erkmen, B. (2014). Non-native novice EFL teachers' beliefs about teaching and
learning.HacettepeÜniversitesiEğitimFakültesiDergisi (H. U. Journal of Education)
29(1), 99-1
Guerrero, M. C., &Villamil, O. S. (2002).Metaphorical conceptualizations of ESL teaching
and learning.Language Teaching Research, 6(2), 95-120.
Kramsch, C. (2003). Metaphor and the subjective construction of belief. In P. Kalaja& A. M.
F. Barcelos (Eds.)Beliefs about SLA: New research approaches (pp. 109-128).
Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Lakoff, G.,& Johnson, M. (1980a). Metaphors we live by. London: The University of Chicago
Press.
Lakoff, G.,& Johnson, M. (1980b). Conceptual metaphor in everyday language.The Journal
of Philosophy, 77(8), 453-486.
Nikitina, L., &Furuoka, F. (2008). “A language teacher is like...”: Examining Malaysian
students’ perceptions of language teachers through metaphor analysis. Electronic
Journal of Foreign Language Teaching, 5(2), 192–205.
Oxford, R. L, Tomlinson, S., Barcelos, A., Harrington, C., Lavine, R. Z., Saleh, A., Longhini,
A. (1998). Clashing metaphors about classroom teachers: Toward a systematic
typology for the language teaching field. System 26(1), 3-50.
Saban, A., KoçbekerB. N., &Saban, A. (2006).An investigation of the concept of teacher
among prospective teachers through metaphor analysis.Educational Sciences: Theory
& Practice 6(2), 509-522.
Zapata, G.,&Lacorte, M. (2007).Pre-service and in-service instructors’ metaphorical
constructions of second language teachers.Foreign Language Annals, 40(3), 521–534.
9
�
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Extent
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Title
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TEACHERS AS PATIENCE STONES: A METAPHOR ANALYSIS OF STUDENTS’ CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF EFL TEACHERS IN TURKEY
Author
Author
Baş, Melike
Bal-Gezegin, Betül
Abstract
A summary of the resource.
With the application of cognitive linguistics to language teaching and learning, metaphor analysis has gained interest among researchers in recent years. This study, which is conducted in an EFL language environment in Turkey, aims to investigate students’ metaphors that underlie their conceptualizations on English language teachers. Participants are students of English (n=83) studying at a university in Turkey during 2014-2015 academic year. Students were first instructed on the concept of metaphor, then they were asked to complete the metaphor elicitation sheet including the prompt “An English teacher is like ... because ...” Data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Conceptual Metaphor Theory defined and developed by Lakoff & Johnson (1980), who consider metaphors as mental constructs that shape human thinking about the world and reality, is used as the theoretical background for this study. The linguistic metaphors provided by the participants were first categorized thematically and then examined in parallel with previous studies (Oxford et al., 1998; Saban et al., 2006). Results revealed a variety of underlying conceptualizations that reflect different individual mappings across conceptual domains. The findings yielded new categories, which imply that culture as well as students’ personal experiences might shape their perceptions on language teachers. The study is significant in the sense that it highlights the use of metaphor as an effective cognitive tool to better understand students’ beliefs of their language teachers and their language learning process. In addition, it provides an opportunity for the teachers to have a self-reflection on their roles as language teachers.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
International Burch University
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2015-07
Keywords
Keywords.
Article
PeerReviewed
P Philology. Linguistics